CHAOS IN WARRI (Excerpt from DELTA #3, September 1997)

[lynx@gn.apc.org]

  CHAOS IN WARRI	       
  --------------       
  
  
  Recent attacks on oil installations and widespread ethnic violence have
  rocked the Niger Delta, claiming the lives of 200 people, destroying whole
  settlements and causing damage estimated at $50 million. 
  
  
  Frustration had been mounting in the oil producing communities about the
  lack of infrastructural development and continuing poverty in a region which
  provides most of the country's wealth. The people's inability to influence a
  distant, disinterested government, coupled with the disruption and
  distortion of the social fabric by oil companies, had compounded the tension
  felt by the marginalised communities. The relocation of a local council
  office from an Ijaw to an Itsekiri town sparked the crisis: armed youths
  occupied flow stations in the oil rich Warri area, and a descent into ethnic
  violence began, lasting from March until May.
  
  
  Ijaw council relocation
  
  The Ijaws are the fourth largest ethnic group in Nigeria, with 3 million
  people spread over five southern states. Although much of Shell's oil
  production is on their land, the Ijaws are marginalised by nature of being a
  minority in all but one state in the Niger Delta, and because oil company
  investment, negligible though it is, has been concentrated outside of Ijaw
  areas, for example in Warri town. Warri hosts the western zone operational
  headquarters of Shell, Chevron and Texaco, and here the Itsekiris have
  sustained a political and economic advantage gained during the colonial period. 
  
  Being numerically dominant in the Niger Delta, however, and keen for
  political recognition, the Ijaws have a great potential to disrupt the
  company's flow of oil and the regime's flow of cash, something which the
  latter two are acutely aware of. Their mobilisation in Nembe in 1993-4
  forced the regime and Shell to negotiate with them. The trade-off was the
  creation of new council areas under Ijaw control, thus giving the Ijaws the
  illusion of more power and bringing in a little money from the federal
  government.
  
  In December 1996 'Warri Central' was created, with headquarters in the
  deprived Ijaw town of Ogbe Ijoh. The regime tried to favour the Ijaws by
  locating the offices in Ogbe Ijoh, and favour the Itsekiris by using the
  name 'Warri'. The Ijaws successfully built the headquarters and the
  administration began functioning. But the corrupt Olu (King) of Warri,
  leader of the Itsekiris, pushed for the offices to be moved to his territory
  to stop any hint of Ijaw self-determination. 
  
  Nationwide local council elections were held on March 15 this year. At the
  same time, with ethnic tensions high due to the voting, the military
  administrator of Delta State, Col John Dungs, announced changes to the
  council area: some Itsekiri areas would be included and the headquarters
  would be relocated from Ogbe Ijoh to the Itsekiri village of Ogidigben -
  effectively turning the Ijaw council into an Itsekiri one. The Ijaws were
  furious and vowed to fight until "the last drop of our blood."
  
  
  Shell flow stations seized
  
  In a carefully-planned attack, 40 Ijaws overran, occupied and shut down six
  Shell flow stations in protest, and rapidly took control of the surrounding
  creeks. Oil production was cut by 90,000 barrels per day (bpd), 10% of
  Shell's output from Nigeria and nearly 5% of the country's total, forcing
  Shell to declare force majeure. 127 Nigerian workers were taken hostage and
  some beaten in the occupations before negotiations secured their release
  from the Jones Creek and Egwa flow stations over the following week.
  
  The Itsekiris reacted by attacking Ijaw businesses and buildings in Warri
  town. They burnt down the homes of several Ijaw leaders including former
  Information Minister Edwin Clark, whose bodyguard was killed, and destroyed
  a market. Ijaws then went on the rampage in the riverine areas, ambushing
  boats carrying oil workers and taking over the waterways completely.
  Supplies to Shell and Chevron were cut off, with the latter forced to shut
  down three of its flow stations for a weekend. Youths from both sides then
  started attacking each other's settlements in a spiral of violence. The
  Ijaws burnt down and destroyed Ugbuwagwo, Gbogodo and Ebrohimi, killing five
  and kidnapping an oil service company site manager, and Itsekiris burnt down
  villages and kidnapped and killed Ijaws living or working in their midst.
  
  At the same time in the oil-rich east of the Delta another five flow
  stations in the Ijaw region of Nembe were occupied by villagers protesting
  at local council changes there. This riverine area is particularly
  under-developed and potentially very explosive. Shell's shortfall rose by
  another 120,000 bpd to 210,000 bpd, and shares in the company dropped
  slightly due to concerns about its operations in Nigeria. 
  
  
  Curfew imposed
  
  Paramilitary police deployed to deal with the situation in Warri were
  disarmed by the youths, who had more sophisticated weapons than them. Both
  ethnic groups were well-armed, with the Ijaws reported to have light assault
  rifles, grenades and rocket launchers. The government then sent in a
  high-level delegation, including Naval Chief Rear Admiral Mike Akhigbe of
  the regime's Provisional Ruling Council, and warned that any further
  protests would be crushed, with rioters shot on sight if necessary. A
  dusk-to-dawn curfew was imposed on Warri town from March 28, security was
  stepped up and 500 police sent to guard the oil installations. Shell
  provided refuge to some workers and called on the navy to evacuate to Warri
  2000 Itsekiris from the Ijaw-dominated oil town of Forcados.
  
  According to Africa Today, government plans to deploy the army to protect
  oil installations were opposed by the oil companies, particularly Shell, who
  wanted soldiers to stay in the communities. The company is sensitive to
  accusations of working behind a military shield in the oil producing areas,
  and felt that communities might attack the soldiers who would retaliate by
  killing villagers. This would bring Shell into direct opposition to the
  communities and escalate the conflict further. 
  
  But this scenario was dismissed totally by one Nigerian activist: "That is
  classic PR rhetoric from Shell, far removed from the reality of the
  situation. Shell knows that only force will keep these youths down. The army
  was needed to smash them."
  
  Violence spread to the nearby towns of Forcados, Sapele, and Egbeme in Edo
  state, and with Warri town under curfew, the surrounding creeks and
  waterways again became the focus of activity. But gradually an uneasy calm
  started to fall on the area. 
  
  
  Renewed violence
  
  Shell managed to resume almost all its operations, but as the curfew was
  lifted on April 12, riots began again in Warri and nearby, with both ethnic
  groups attacking each other's houses and settlements. Shell decided to shut
  down its oil wells situated between Warri and Forcados, declaring force
  majeure for a second time within a month.
  
  With news of more villages being sacked, Iksekiri elders in Koko had to
  restrain the youths from attacking Ijaws living in the town. By mid-April
  the Ijaws were forced to leave. They returned three days later, and with
  dynamite, petrol bombs and automatic weapons blew up and burnt down Itsekiri
  houses and part of the hospital. An Itsekiri leader was axed to death and
  beheaded, and two others killed. The Ijaw village of Oromoni was stormed and
  an 82 year old woman, unable to run away, was caught and burnt alive at a
  stake for being the mother of "troublesome Ijaw youths". 80 Itsekiri youth
  attacked Ikpokpo with guns, cutlasses and petrol bombs and killed 44 Ijaws.
  Two others were killed in a creek and one at Chevron's base at Escravos.
  Further attacks were launched from the creeks and waterways.
  
  Warri town saw street fighting and battles, with armed youths killing at
  random and burning down leaders' houses and businesses. Several women were
  abducted and two policemen were reported killed. The market was destroyed
  and the police station attacked after police protected Ijaw market women. Up
  to 100 people were killed in one week. State radio reported mass arrests of
  suspected rioters.
  
  The army and navy were called in at the end of April. Soldiers patrolled the
  streets and occupied key sites, including the oil installations, and a
  warship was deployed. But they had difficulty bringing the situation under
  their control. Both the Ijaw and Itsekiri fighters had former military
  officers amongst them, forcefully retired from the army in mid-career, and
  their military skills, the sophisticated weaponry being used, and the
  people's knowledge of the local terrain defeated most of the military's
  efforts. On land, poor roads hindered the army's activity. In the water, the
  creeks were often too shallow for the naval assault craft, while the groups
  used small high-speed motor boats. One heavily-guarded naval vessel was
  reported to have had its propellor removed by an Ijaw diver who swam
  underwater for over half a mile to sabotage it. 
  
  
  Severe punishment for oil saboteurs
  
  Shell claims that oil installations were sabotaged. Petroleum Minister Dan
  Etete ordered that "community leaders should restrain their youths who have
  formed the habit of vandalising extremely expensive oil equipment and
  machinery," and warned that the government "will not tolerate a situation
  where every political grievance is taken out on the oil installations and
  operations of oil companies." According to Nigeria Today, the oil companies
  had complained at the ease with which Nigeria's economic mainstay was being
  threatened. And based on discussions with the oil companies, severe
  punishment of individuals who damage oil installations will be ensured.
  
  
  Refinery closed but violence subsides
  
  The Warri oil refinery, one of only three refineries in the country, was
  closed by the government at the beginning of May due to continuing
  disturbances, giving rise to the beginnings of a fuel shortage. Tankers were
  also unable to load up because of the dangers of sailing on the River
  Escravos, which links Warri to the Atlantic. The government gave an
  assurance that ships would be protected, and made moves to re-open the refinery.
  
  As violence subsided, the Ijaws and Itsekiris exchanged accusations and
  angry words. The Ijaws accused the Itsekiris of bribing military personnel
  to kill them, and the Itsekiris claimed that 1000 of them had been killed
  and 3000 injured since March, with over 15 settlements attacked or destroyed.
  
  
  Judicial inquiry faces problems
  
  Col John Dungs launched a Judicial Commission of Inquiry into the fighting,
  which held its first sitting in the Delta State capital Asaba. Two weeks
  later, however, the Itsekiris withdrew from it after fresh violence erupted
  over ownership of market stalls in Warri. At least 24 more Itsekiri
  buildings were destroyed and 16 Ijaw youths and two Itsekiris killed. Both
  Ijaw and Itsekiri police were subsequently withdrawn from the area and
  transferred to elsewhere in the Niger Delta. The inquiry is continuing.
  
  
  ***
  
  
  DIVIDE, RULE AND PLUNDER
  
  'Nothing to do with us'
  
  Shell asserts that the unrest in the Niger Delta has nothing to do with
  them, and Chevron says it is neutral, caught up in disputes not of its
  making. Many would disagree. "The problems in the Delta have everything to
  do with the oil barons. It is they who are plundering the resources from the
  people. It is they who keep the oppressive regime in power, with all the
  associated violence and poverty, and who have worked with successive regimes
  to legislate for easy theft of resources. And it is they who have polluted
  land, rivers and creeks and destroyed a sustainable culture," says one
  observer. These are the condition that gave rise to the recent unrest.
  
  "The companies distort and rot the social fabric of the environment" by
  their very presence. Even the spokesman for Delta State Government, Austin
  Iyashere, blames the oil industry for the area's general problems, accusing
  the companies of giving money directly to influential individuals rather
  than developing the communities. The Olu of Warri is very close to the
  regime and known to be in the pocket of Chevron, for example.
  
  Some see the oil companies' role in the unrest as much more active and
  conspiratorial: Moffat Ekoriko in Africa Today writes, "Another government
  official claimed that the oil firms deliberately polarised the groups in the
  area as a check against the formation of a common front to fight them over
  acts of environmental spoilation." 
  
  London-based Nigerian activist Ike Okonta told DELTA, "The state doesn't
  want another MOSOP, with a defined target and a clear vision. So the ethnic
  groups must be pitted against each other, even provided with arms." Such a
  strategy was used by the regime and Shell to try to subvert the Ogoni
  struggle: in 1993-4 soldiers posing as Andonis attacked and killed hundreds
  of Ogonis with logistical support from the company. In the Warri case, the
  Ijaws accuse Chevron of providing the Itsekiris with weapons and logistical
  support. "It's a high-risk strategy, but the stakes are even higher: the
  survival of the regime and continuing profits for the oil companies."
  
  
  Directing resources
  
  There is also clearly an element of genuine rebellion from the youths, if
  not yet true resistance. Representing authority and wealth in the area, the
  oil companies are seen as legitimate targets both in themselves and as a way
  to reach a distant and disinterested government. 
  
  "The whole area is neglected. The youths have had few opportunities in
  society and can't see a future. They are angry and they are armed. Shell and
  Chevron were hit at first and the government was forced to respond, but now
  they are lashing out at anyone,"  Okonta said. "Their energy is needed if we
  are going to change anything in Nigeria. But it must be directed at the
  right targets, and at the right time. Tribal conflict must be avoided."
  
  The regime is keen to divert the people's anger into ethnic conflict which
  it continues to foment through territorial manipulation and other political
  games. When major disorder looms or when the oil installations are seriously
  threatened then the army is sent in. 
  
  The Free Nigeria Movement's Commission on Justice initiated a dialogue
  between leaders of the Ijaw, Itsekiri and Urhobo ethnic groups in early May
  to address the killings. The consensus that emerged was that the clashes
  were "orchestrated by subterranean elements working for the Abacha regime in
  order to create discord and panic", and thereby legitimise his rule "under
  the pretext of maintaining law and order." This would turn "yet another oil
  producing area into a militarised zone for the unhampered flow of Nigeria's
  oil through multinational corporations such as Shell Oil, Texaco, and Chevron."
  
  And indeed, by mid-August the regime had announced that the military
  presence in the Nembe area of Bayelsa state would be re-inforced, with
  systematic patrols of the creeks. This further militarisation of the Niger
  Delta, known as 'Operation Salvage', was announced by the administrator of
  Bayelsa state, Naval Captain Caleb Olubolade, in the presence of the oil
  companies themselves.
  
  
  ***
  
  
  Renewed action against Shell
  
  Non-violent protest specifically targetting Shell elsewhere in the Niger
  Delta began just as the Warri crisis subsided. Told by a Nigerian court at
  the end of June to pay 32 million naira ($350,000) compensation for a 1982
  oil spill from the trans-Forcados pipeline, the company refused to pay,
  saying that the spill had been caused by sabotage and that it would appeal
  against the judgement. It also claimed to have cleared up the oil spill. 
  
  But an environmentalist told DELTA that Shell's increasing use of the word
  'sabotage' is simply a ploy to avoid paying compensation to communities
  suffering the effects of spills from the rusting equipment and pipelines.
  Shell had not initiated any sabotage claim in court, and furthermore, the
  oil spill was not effectively cleaned up.
  
  The four affected Ijaw communities, Sokebolou, Obotobo, Ofoegbene and
  Ekeremor Zion from the Burutu local council area in Delta state, gave Shell
  an ultimatum to leave the oil producing area by July 8, or be forced out.
  Local newspapers said the communities also complained that Shell had not
  provided local people with any benefits from the 75,000 bpd it extracts from
  their land. "Shell must go if it does not change her shameless stand of
  disregard for the goose that lays the golden egg in this nation," ThisDay
  quoted the Ijaws as saying.
  
  Hours before the deadline expired, the leader of the community was arrested
  by the State Security Service (SSS). "Worried that the said payments will
  encourage other legitimate compensation demands, Shell has alerted the
  security forces and this morning Mr Matthew Eregbene has been whisked away,"
  said a spokesman for the Niger Delta Oil-Producing Communities Development
  Organisation (NIDOPCODO). Shell denied involvement.
  
  According to Nigeria Today, it is believed that Shell had offered to pay 5
  million naira to community leaders to settle the matter. Locals are reported
  to have reminded their leaders never to consider compromising the interests
  of the community, and the bribe was rejected. After meetings with Shell and
  the military, however, the communities decided to put any action on hold,
  and Chief Eregbene was released after a few days.
  
  A further meeting on July 28 between Shell and the communities failed
  because the company tried to pressure the communities through locals who had
  contracts with Shell, according to NIDOPCODO. They "were hand-picked and
  brought to the venue by Shell to create confusion."
  
  Environmental Rights Action (ERA) said, "We appeal to Shell to stop all oil
  and gas production in the four communities as it proceeds on appeal." The
  activists warned that unspecified action would be taken against the company.
  
  
  Tribes unite at rally
  
  In a gathering which cut across ethnic divisions, up to 10,000 youths from
  across the Niger Delta rallied on Sunday August 17 at the remote village of
  Aleibiri in Bayelsa state, site of a pollution incident that Shell has
  refused to clear up. 
  
  The oil-spill pressure group Chicoco, named after the rich soil that helps
  sustain life in the Delta area, was formerly launched at the meeting. It
  demanded action from Shell on oil spillages and called for the company to
  leave the area. Repeated requests by the Aleibiri community to address the
  pollution, caused by a spill six months ago, had been met by intimidation
  from armed military and mobile police, according to a community representative. 
  
  The rally was attended by hundreds of local people and representatives of
  communities from Rivers, Delta, Edo, Akwa Ibom and Ondo states, uniting
  different ethnic groups who all suffer from environmental rights abuses by
  oil companies, particularly Shell. Chief Augustine Anthony for the host
  community welcomed all the delegates, saying that their community was home
  to "all other peace-lovers, especially those from other parts of the Niger
  Delta."  Those from outside the area arrived in canoes, singing what
  translates as: "We are tired of this oppression. We say no to Shell. We say
  no to hell," according to the Guardian newspaper in Lagos.
  
  Chief Anthony said, "The struggle for justice for people will be realised in
  my lifetime. For 40 years we have bore the pains of pollution, the brutality
  of the unjust system. We shall unite to fight for equality, fairness and
  justice. The time is now. You are welcome." MOSOP spokesman Patrick
  Naagbeaton urged the people to stand firm and be consistent in fighting for
  their rights. Other messages of support came from MORETO (the Movement for
  the Reparation of Ogbia), the Women's Liberation Movement in Ijaw,
  Environmental Rights Action, the Democratic Alternative, and Oilwatch
  International (Africa).
  
  Spokesman for Chicoco, Oronto Douglas, called for the "solidarity of all oil
  producing communities in the Niger Delta," and said that pressure on Shell
  was being stepped up "to compel the oil companies into very serious dialogue
  beyond the realm of public relations that has been the hallmark of these
  multinationals." And he added, "If they do not accept the path of dialogue
  we will close down the flow-stations and if they hide under a military cloak
  to repress us then we will resist," said Oronto Douglas. 
  
  Further rallies of up to 50,000 people are currently being planned as more
  communities want to be associated with the Chicoco movement.
  
  
  
  
  Excerpted from DELTA #3, September 1997
  
  
  ******************************************************
  DELTA: News and background on Ogoni, Shell and Nigeria
  Box Z, 13 Biddulph Street, Leicester  LE2 1BH, UK   
  tel/fax: +44 116 255 3223   
  e-mail: lynx@gn.apc.org       
  http://www.McSpotlight.org/beyond/delta2_nov96.html
  
  ******************************************************
   
   
  (lynx@gn.apc.org)