[stop-imf] WSJ Editorial: IMF Lender of Gasp Resort (fwd)
Robert Weissman
rob@essential.org
Wed, 8 Mar 2000 12:02:22 -0500 (EST)
Wall Street Journal
March 8, 2000
Lender of Gasp Resort (Editorial)
Almost everyone with some understanding of
international
finance agrees that the International Monetary Fund is
a
leaky tub that
needs repairs. Its performance during the Asian
currency
meltdown was
abysmal and it followed that up by writing big checks
for Russia with little
idea of where the money would end up. A similar
complaint can be made
about the World Bank and its affiliated regional banks,
which profess to
help the world's poor, but mainly finance the non-poor.
But let's qualify our first sentence above. Not
everyone
agrees that these
multilateral institutions need fixing. Several
prominent
Democrats in the
U.S. Congress don't agree. U.S. Treasury Secretary
Larry
Summers, who
played a key role in both the Asian and Russian
fiascoes, doesn't agree.
And economist C. Fred Bergsten, one of the Democrat
selectees for the
commission that has just come up with repair
recommendations, obviously
doesn't agree, judging from his dissenting opinion. But
since Mr. Bergsten
didn't spend much time at commission hearings, perhaps
he hasn't
considered all the arguments.
The commission, which issued its report yesterday, was
set up by
Congress as a condition for voting a further $18
billion
contribution to the
IMF in 1998. The 11-member bipartisan group headed by
the respected
economist Allan Meltzer voted eight to three in favor
of
the majority
report. Jeffrey Sachs , a Harvard specialist in
development economics
appointed by the Democrats, voted with the majority. We
understand that
he already is getting flack from Democrats in the
Administration and
Congress.
The report (see the article by Messrs. Meltzer and
Sachs
alongside) is a
well-thought-out document prescribing changes to make
the IMF a serious
institution commensurate with the enormous influence it
exercises over the
world's money and national economic policies.
Primarily,
the study
proposes that the IMF go back to its original Bretton
Woods role of
extending short-term loans to countries in
balance-of-payments difficulty,
and get out of the long-term credit business. Countries
seeking IMF credit
would have to qualify in advance, over a five-year
period, mainly through
financial sector reforms. The institution has been
criticized for years, quite
legitimately, for attaching conditions to loans that
are
often
counterproductive. The ones that are not often are not
met by borrowers.
Even the estimable Stanley Fischer, who actually runs
the IMF from his
second spot in the managerial hierarchy, agreed with
many of the
recommendations during his testimony to the commission.
He disagreed,
however, on some significant issues, most particularly
the substitution of
pre-conditions for the traditional "conditionality."
As to the development banks, it has been an open secret
for years that
most of their lending goes to mid-level countries, not
the poorest. The
commission argues that these banks should get back to
the business of
helping the one-third of the world's population that
lives in poverty.
Development projects in middle income nations such as
South Korea or
Brazil can be financed, if they are viable, through
private sources.
Now, of course, the development banks are wary of such
recommendations because they know full well that
financing projects in
countries that really need them is riskier than in the
countries that don't.
They also understand the old political rule of
universality, that the more
people you help, whether they need it or not, the more
political support
you have.
The main thrust, indeed, of the Meltzer commission
report is to take the
important activities of the IMF and the development
banks out of politics.
And that's why Democrats in the Clinton Administration
and Congress are
trying to shoot it down before it gets off the ground.
Multilateral lenders
have been useful politically for years. The U.S.,
because of its large
contribution to these agencies, has had a powerful
influence over their
decisions. The Clinton Administration didn't arrange
loans for Russia
because Russia was a good risk, but because it was
hoping to gain
influence useful in such matters as inducing Russia to
play ball, to a degree,
in the Balkans.
It is already clear that the commission report will be
turned into a
year-2000 campaign issue. The Democrats will claim that
a right-wing
Congress wants to cut off the world's poverty-stricken
masses without a
sou. The fact that the development banks do little now
for those masses
will get smothered in liberal rhetoric. Similarly
smothered will be evidence
that IMF interventions since 1994 in places like Mexico
and Indonesia,
with their focus on currency devaluations and the
bailout of international
banks, did a lot to send large numbers of middle-class
aspirants back into
poverty.
We'd hate to see the Meltzer commission report falls
victim to
simple-minded partisanship. The group really did come
up
with useful ways
to fix these multilateral institutions. As the old
saying goes, maybe next
year.