From rob@essential.org Sun, 9 Jan 2000 22:14:38 -0500 (EST) Date: Sun, 9 Jan 2000 22:14:38 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] Kenyan campaign against IMF Copyright 2000 InterPress Service, all rights reserved. Worldwide distribution via the APC networks. *** 06-Jan-0* *** Title: ECONOMY-KENYA: New Pressure Group Opposes IMF Plan To Resume Aid By Judith Achieng' NAIROBI, Jan 6 (IPS) - Kenyan opposition groups have launched a new pressure body to campaign against the resumption of aid to the East African country by the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Finance minister Chris Okemo said this week that an IMF team is expected in Kenya by Jan 24 to resume negotiations which will lead to the eventual resumption of aid suspended three years ago. The new lobby group, made up of eight opposition members of parliament, lawyers and civil society, is unconvinced that the government of president Daniel arap Moi has met all the conditions set by the IMF to warrant resumption of aid to Kenya. The pressure body, known as Stakeholders Support Group (SSG) also challenges the Bretton Woods institution to tabulate achievements made by Moi's government on each of the conditions it had set, if it is truly committed to ensuring accountability and transparency in Kenya. ''We are deeply surprised that the IMF is now convinced that the government has put in place sufficient reforms to merit the resumption of aid to Kenya,'' the group's spokesperson Apollo Njonjo told journalists this week. The IMF and other major donors suspended funding to Kenya in July 1997 citing inability by Moi's government to stamp out official corruption which has seen millions of shillings from government treasury going into the pockets of a few individuals close to power. Since then, many development projects have stalled in the East African country, roads have deteriorated and have become impassable due to lack of maintenance. The IMF says Kenya needs a significant and sustained efforts to curb corruption in the government before it can put in place a new lending programme. But the government says it has fulfilled all the conditions spelt out, which includes the setting up of an anti-corruption authority and trimming down of the country's bloated civil service. Kenya seeks IMF aid under its subsidised Poverty Reduction and Growth Facility, which provides low interest loans to countries which cannot afford private loans with high interest rates. In December last year, the IMF gave the go-ahead of final round of negotiations with the Kenyan government in a long process which is expected to result in resumption of aid this year. For the government, resumption of aid at this point is crucial for its fragile economy, coming at a time when it is relying on IMF to settle 30 billion shillings required to pay off some 600, 000 civil servants in its retrenchment programme. With an average growth rate of about 1.7 percent, the former British colony's economy is at a near standstill, and the shilling which in 1997 used to change for 60 to the dollar has now fallen to 72. Kenya is also ranked among the 40 developing countries that spend large shares of their revenues on servicing growing debts, with about 25 percent of its resources going back to donors, compared with 6.8 percent on education and 2.7 percent going to health. The anti-aid lobby says the Bretton Woods institution would only be taking part in the political power game which has maintained Moi's regime for 21 years in power and which has impoverished Kenya's 30 million people. ''The Kenyan people will not accept to pay back opaque loans contracted by a theft-ridden regime,'' says Njonjo. The group also wants resumption of aid to Kenya tied to the constitutional reform process to reduce presidential powers, which has hit a snag, with the opposition accusing the ruling Kenya African National Union (KANU) of frustrating the process in a bid to maintain its hold on to power. The constitutional reform process began in 1992, with the change of clauses which transformed Kenya into a multiparty state, and also reduced the head of state's term of service from life to a minimum of two five-year terms. The lobby group says it fears the current constitution will give the ruling party power to extend Moi's term, which expires in 2002. The members have also accused the British government of prevailing upon the IMF to resume aid to Kenya in a bid to maintain Moi's regime, which, they say, has helped retain thousands of British Asians. ''We are aware of the activities of the British High Commission and (sir) Jeffrey James (High Commissioner) in particular, in cajoling the IMF, the World Bank and other donors into resuming aid under the guise of impeding the break up of the country,'' says Njonjo. ''The British have interpreted that the preservation of British Asians in Kenya can only be assured by the continuation of Moi and KANU at the helm of state affairs after 2002,'' he claims. There has been no reaction from the British High Commission in Kenya. Despite the campaign, economists say donor aid is badly needed to restore the Kenyan economy, only if the money will not end up in the pockets of a few individuals close to power. ''The government should not have power over the (donor) money anymore. Kenyans have become poorer, through corrupt deals and tendering procedures,'' says Beth Mugo, who runs the Nairobi-based Council for Economic Empowerment of Women in Africa (CEEWA). ''There is absolutely nothing wrong with aid. Our people just have the misconception that aid is free. They don't know that we have to pay for it,'' says Mugo. Kenya's economic analyst, Robert Shaw agrees. ''For any resumed donor support, the government has to be absolutely clear and transparent on how it's going to send the money. It is not a question of the money going into a pot,'' he says. For ordinary Kenyans like Jackson Mwangi, a shoe shiner on a Nairobi street, the prospect of aid resumption is good news and those opposing it have not felt the pinch. ''Ordinary Kenyans have been suffering since 1997. It is good that we are going to get aid finally,'' he says. ''Most of the people opposing aid are rich, their children are abroad, we are the ones who are suffering,'' he says.(END/IPS/ja/mn/00) From rob@essential.org Sun, 9 Jan 2000 22:26:40 -0500 (EST) Date: Sun, 9 Jan 2000 22:26:40 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] Germany To Write Off Debts Worth 5 Billion Dollars (fwd) Copyright 2000 InterPress Service, all rights reserved. Worldwide distribution via the APC networks. *** 06-Jan-0* *** Title: DEVELOPMENT: Germany To Write Off Debts Worth 5 Billion Dollars By Ramesh Jaura BONN, Jan 6 (IPS) - Responding to strong campaigning pressure by the global Jubilee 2000 Coalition, Germany's Development Minister Heidemarie Wieczorek-Zeul has confirmed that the Berlin government will write off 100 percent of the bilateral debts of some 30 poorest countries of the world. The initiative will begin to be translated into action this year, said Wieczorek-Zeul in a statement made available to IPS this week. "We plan to cancel debts worth about 9 billion marks (five billion dollars)". The figure includes commercial loans that have yet to be paid back. In addition, Germany will back the 15-nation European Union's debt cancellation initiative, contributing about 360 million dollars, said Wieczorek-Zeul. While she did not name the countries whose debts will be cancelled, an official at the development ministry said, countries which would benefit from the debt write-offs are those included in the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries initiative (HIPC). HIPC is the international vehicle for debt rescheduling and cancellation, managed by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. 41 of the world's poorest qualify for HIPC, but they have to prove their ability to meet stringentic conditions before any debt cancellation. Countries enjoying debt forgiveness are required to put into place a comprehensive and participatory poverty reduction strategy, said Wieczorek-Zeul. "We want to ensure that wide sections of the population in developing countries really gain from debt cancellation - by way of better opportunities for education, improved health care and proper counselling for family planning," she added. The rationale behind debt forgiveness was to give highly indebted countries a "room for financial manoeuvre The affirmation of Germany's vow to write off the debts of world's poorest countries came within three months of President Bill Clinton pledging cancellation for poor-countrmeetings in Washington last September. Earlier, Canada had committed similar pledges to writing off the debts of world's poorest countries. Last month, Britain followed suit, with the Jubilee 2000 Coalition of some 1,800 church and other non-governmental organisations, praising the "magnanimous gesture", but warning that it was "not yet clear cut" whether Britain's actions will make a difference and save children's lives. 19,000 children a day are dying because of the debt burden, claims Jubilee 2000 drawing upon the latest annual report of the UN Children's Fund (Unicef). The world-wide Jubilee 2000 Coalition has emerged from years of campaigning by southern movements on debt and the ternal debt burdens and new credit agreements. Jubilee 2000 in the south comes out of many of those struggles, says Friedel Huetz-Adams of Erlassjahr 2000, Germany chapter of the Jubilee 2000 Coalition. As the developing ith offers of big loans at very low rates of interest. Many countries in Latin America took up the offer and soon found that with interest rate rises and commodity price decreases they couldn't keep up the repayments. Countries in Africa, which proclaimed independence later, were forewarned about the pitfalls of the debt trap butt. Still lacking control over their own resources, they were desperate for credit to match the high expectations of their people and inevitably took the loans eagerly offer conditions attached to these loans became onerous to the population, who found they were not benefiting from the international lending process. >From Argentina to Zambia, initial resistance took the form of strikes and demonstrations when the first price rises for basic goods followed the implementation of various programmes based on the adjustment models of the IMF and World Bank. As debt and adjustment continued, a more coordinated people's response emerged. This mass opposition has prompted policy-makers in the developing world to propose various alternatives to the IMF's Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs). For example, the African Alternative Framework to SAPs (AAF-SAP) was put forward in 1989 by the U.N. Economic Commission for Africa under the bayo Adedeji who later became an Under Secretary-General of the world body. Later adopted by the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and receiving the support of the U.N. General Assemblyk and IMF and western leaders. An official at the German development ministry dismissed suggestions that Germany - which claims the third largest poor- country debt, amounting to 6.1 billion dollars, after France's 11.7 billion dollars and Japan's 10.5 billion dollars - was dithering on implementing the debt cancellation initiative. The plan was first agreed at the Cologne summit of the Group of Seven (G-7) major industrial countries. "This was very much an initiative taken by us,reen Party - in power since October 1998 - has been leading the debt cancellation initiative. Nevertheless, because of complicated mechanisms involved, most of the 41 countries considered to qualify - in principle - for the HIPC initiative will have to wait for some time to enjoy the benefit of debt cancellation. Until now seven countries - Bolivia, Burkina Faso, Cote d'Ivoire, Guyana, Mali, Mozambique and Uganda - have qualified for debt relief under the HIPC initiative totalling about 3.4 billion dollars in Net Present Value (NPV) Terms. The sustainable level.(END/IPS/raj/mn/00) From rob@essential.org Mon, 10 Jan 2000 10:51:51 -0500 (EST) Date: Mon, 10 Jan 2000 10:51:51 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] IMF Head Urges More Reforms IMF Head Urges More Reforms January 10, 2000 PARIS (AP) via NewsEdge Corporation - Michel Camdessus, the outgoing managing director of the International Monetary Fund, said today that the IMF should be given better-defined responsibilities and more political weight. ``I believe in the political responsibility of multilateral institutions,'' Camdessus said in an interview with the French financial daily Les Echos. Camdessus said that the IMF's interim committee _ currently a consultative grouping with no executive powers _ should be transformed into a full-fledged decision-making body. He also said that he would like to turn the G7 summit into a wider gathering every two years by including the IMF's 24 board member countries, the World Bank and the secretary-general of the United Nations. ``This would, at last, enable us to establish a coordination of strategies,'' he said. The G7, or Group of Seven major industrial nations, gathers the political leaders of the United States, Canada, Japan, Britain, France, Germany and Italy for periodic meetings. Camdessus, who has made it clear he will resign in mid-February, said he is proud of the support the IMF provided during his tenure to countries such as Poland. ``Today Poland can hope to join not only the European Union, but also the euro,'' Camdessus said, referring to the single European currency. ``They are aiming for a balanced budget in 2003, inflation below 4 percent and, by that date, they should have completed privatization.'' He warned that the dispute between the IMF and Russia was yet to be resolved. He said that although Russia has met economic criteria set by the IMF, the Russian Parliament has failed to adopt two key pieces of legislation. One covers financial institution bankruptcies and the other, transfers to state coffers from government-owned monopolies. From rob@essential.org Mon, 10 Jan 2000 13:21:53 -0500 (EST) Date: Mon, 10 Jan 2000 13:21:53 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] IMF managing director update (fwd) World Bank Development News, 01/10/00. NEGOTIATIONS FOR IMF TOP JOB ADVANCING: KOCH-WESER. The negotiations surrounding the choice of a successor to IMF Managing Director Michel Camdessus are advancing, Les Echos (France, p.10) reports German Deputy Finance Minister Caio Koch-Weser said last Friday. "I can't really comment on this subject, but what I can say is that the political process has advanced," he said on the sidelines of the G7 deputy finance ministers' meeting in Tokyo. "There is a feeling that we need to come quickly to a conclusion," he added, declining to comment on the strength of European support for his candidacy. The news comes as Jim Hoagland writes in the International Herald Tribune (p.8) and the Washington Post (p. B7) that national pride and national political ambition survive into the global era. The hunt for a new managing director for the IMF has turned into a quagmire of subterfuge and rivalry among rich nations. The governments that have relentlessly preached to their citizens the need to adjust to the era of globalization should take their own words to heart and see that the IMF gets the leadership it needs at this critical moment. "As we re-examine the role of the Fund, we must not underestimate what is our bread and butter," IMF Deputy Managing Director Stanley Fischer is quoted as saying in a Washington Post story reprinted in the IHT. "Crisis lending is a critical part of what we do, but it is far from the most important thing we do...The Fund is one of the most important ways, possibly the most important way, that the international community promotes good macroeconomic policies around the world." Europolitique meanwhile also reports on German press reports that US Treasury Secretary Lawrence Summers has proposed to Europeans that if they withdrew Koch-Weser's candidacy for the IMF job, the next World Bank president could go to Europe. World Bank President James Wolfensohn has already been reappointed to a second five-year term, notes the story. From rob@essential.org Mon, 10 Jan 2000 17:52:18 -0500 (EST) Date: Mon, 10 Jan 2000 17:52:18 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] =?X-UNKNOWN?Q?WORKER_RIGHTS_KEY_TO_DEVELOPMENT_-_WORLD__B?= =?X-UNKNOWN?Q?ANK=92S_STIGLITZ=3B_Reuters_?= Reuters January 8, 2000 WORKER RIGHTS KEY TO DEVELOPMENT - WORLD BANK=92S STIGLITZ BOSTON - In a new broadside against Washington=92s response to the Asian financial crisis, the World Bank=92s outgoing chief economist said Saturday that workers=92 rights should be a central focus of development. =09Joseph Stiglitz, who leaves the bank later this month after a string of well-publicized complaints of the way the international community responded to the crisis, said policy makers had been so anxious to ensure investors did not take flight that they neglected the social costs of their policy prescriptions. =09=93A standard message was to increase labor market flexibility, and the not-so-subtle subtext was to lower wages and lay off workers,=94 Stiglitz told the American Economics Association in a keynote address, which won him a standing ovation from his fellow analysts. =09=93In East Asia it was reckless lending by international banks and other financial institutions, combined with reckless borrowing by domestic financial institutions ... which may have precipitated the crisis. But the costs, in terms of soaring unemployment and plummeting wages, were borne by the workers.=94 =09Stiglitz, a former economic adviser to President Clinton, has repeatedly angered the Washington establishment with his blunt criticism of the way it responded to financial problems in Asia and beyond. Complaining about initial proposals from the so-called Washington consensus of the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the U.S. Treasury, he said lenders=92 demands that countries curb spending and raise interest rates had made the crisis worse. =09=93Not only was the Washington consensus too narrow in its objectives, in its focus on GDP, but also in what it saw as the instruments of development,=94 he said Saturday. He added: =93I believe tha= t there is some chance that some of the disastrous economic decisions that were made in responding to the East Asian economic crisis would not have occurred had workers had a voice in the decision making.=94 =09Stiglitz has also lobbied for capital controls to shield countries from volatile flows of money and investment and he said on Saturday that free capital movements had brought few benefits for ordinary workers. =09=93Capital market liberalization has not only not brought people the prosperity they were promised, but it has also brought these crises, with wages falling 20 or 30 percent, and unemployment going up by a factor of two, three, four or 10,=94 he said. =09The Asian crisis started in Thailand in July 1997, some months after Stiglitz joined the bank. Initially viewed in Washington as a local problem affecting one not particularly significant country, it spread quickly across Asia and beyond, pushing countries into recession and forcing unemployment up. =09=93When the crisis hit, the international institutions forced, encouraged, the countries to raise interest rates and to engage in contractionary fiscal policies which led to severe recession,=94 he said. =93Firms were encouraged to lay off workers.=94 =09Stiglitz admitted lenders had also encouraged countries to develop a social safety net to help those laid off in the post-crisis recessions. But this would not solve the problems. =93There is no safety net that can fully replace the security provided by an economy running at full employment, no welfare system will ever restore the dignity that comes from work,=94 he said. =93It is imperative that countries not only work to put into place policies that prevent crises and minimize their magnitude and adverse consequences, but respond to these crises in ways that maintain as high a level of employment as possible.=94 From rob@essential.org Thu, 13 Jan 2000 12:15:34 -0500 (EST) Date: Thu, 13 Jan 2000 12:15:34 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] IMF looks to broader base of support for restructuring programs IMF looks to broader base of support for restructuring programs SINGAPORE, Jan 13 (AFP) - The International Monetary Fund (IMF) will secure broader support for its programs from various sectors of society to make them more effective and sucessful, an IMF official said Thursday. "Clearly, we think that programs work better and quicker if there is this broader sense of ownership," said Thomas Dawson, IMF director for external relations. "When a budget is drawn up, and targets are agreed to, an assessment has to be made as to its viability," he told a gathering of foreign correspondents here. This is why "fund missions do regularly meet with elements in the opposition, with elements in civil society, labor unions in particular to ... make a judgment of what is doable and achieveable," he added. He cited the success of the IMF's program in South Korea, attributing it to that country's leadership and its willingness to support financial restructuring. Dawson was responding to a question on whether IMF programs, especially for the ailing Asian economies during the financial crisis, could have been more effective if it had gained more support from sectors of society apart from government. The IMF spearheaded rescue packages worth billions of dollars for the economies of Indonesia, South Korea and Thailand in exchange for their adherence to reform measures, some of which were met with widespread protest. Dawson said his trip through Japan and Singapore were among a series of visits by IMF officials to gain feedback on the Fund's programs, including from the media, opposition groups and labor unions. The IMF is at the forefront of efforts to devise new financial architecture that can help prevent a repeat of the financial crisis which plunged most of Asia into recession in 1998. Dawson expected speculation to grow on who would be the successor to IMF chief Michel Camdessus in the run to the Group of Seven finance ministers' meeting in Tokyo on January 22. Camdessus is to step down in February after nearly 13 years in office. "There's a G7 ministers' meeting in about 10 days in Tokyo so I suspect speculation will increase," said Dawson, noting a "growing rather than shrinking list" of candidates for the top position. The G7 is made up of Britain, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, and the United States. From rob@essential.org Fri, 14 Jan 2000 10:59:25 -0500 (EST) Date: Fri, 14 Jan 2000 10:59:25 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] Report on April 16 IMF action planning Report from 50 Years is Enough on very important upcoming demonstration: Report on WASHINGTON, D.C. MEETING TO PLAN IMF/WORLD BANK PROTEST FOR APRIL 16 - 17, 2000 On Tuesday, January 11, 2000 a group of 62 activists met in Washington at the University of the District of Columbia to begin planning in earnest for a big mobilization around the IMF/World Bank Spring Meetings, April 16-17, 2000. This is seen as a logical follow-up to the WTO protests in Seattle. The energy level is high and people from a great array of organizations are coming together to make this happen. We are working toward, and looking forward to, an amazing event on Sunday, April 16 in Washington, DC. The meeting reviewed the reasons for targeting the IMF and World Bank, and the 13-year history of mobilizations at their meetings. We also talked about the organizing that is already going on around the U.S. and the world. Meetings have taken place in many cities to report back on the events in Seattle. At many of those meetings -- including at least those in San Francisco, Chicago, Boston, Baltimore, Burlington [VT], Winnipeg, and Washington -- the April mobilizations in Washington have been discussed and greeted with a lot of enthusiasm. Word has gone out internationally, as groups work to bring people from the countries most affected by IMF/World Bank policies (i.e., those in the South -- Africa, Latin America, Asia-Pacific). Many of the groups that were most active in organizing for Seattle are also working toward April 16 - 17 and several were represented at the meeting. Those that fall into one or both categories include: Direct Action Network, Global Exchange, Rainforest Action Network, Art & Revolution, Ruckus Society, Public Citizen's Global Trade Watch, and Friends of the Earth. Also many local groups are very interested in working on a shut-down of the meetings. We discussed the organizing structure that was used for Seattle (working groups, affinity groups, organizing collective, spokescouncil). On the agenda for the next meeting (January 25th) is a discussion about our organizing structure for the April 16 - 17 Mobilization. Other aspects of the Seattle organizing -- action guidelines, solidarity agreements, legal teams, media teams -- were also highlighted as possible models for our organizing and actions. We noted the need to put out a call of action very soon to get organizations around the country and world committed and stating what kind of support they can offer for this effort. The heart of the meeting was brainstorming about the kind of action(s) we'd like to see and what working groups we would need to make that happen. We finally broke into the working groups listed below, with the proviso that we will remain flexible as needs and opportunities develop. Included in this list is the tasks each agreed on and the next meeting time/place and contact person. For those reading this outside of Washington, feel free to pass this information on to D.C. activists who would like to get involved. MEDIA Work: Developing press kit, identify target media, work on press lists, core group to talk to media, talk to TV bookers. Avoid reinventing wheel by talking to those who did this in Seattle. Identify issue experts and spokespeople on behalf of the organizing coalition. Next Meeting: Monday 1/24 at 7 p.m, 2100 19th St. NW #702 OUTREACH Work: Lots of interest in local outreach and interest in other kinds of outreach to students, faith-based groups, labor, etc Next Meeting: Tues 1/18 at 7 pm, Wilson High School Room 113 - Nebraska Ave. & Chesapeake St. (Tenleytown metro) LOGISTICS Work: Arrange for nurses, doctors, water, port-a-potties, transportation (blocks of buses, picking up people at airport). Blocks of rooms at cheap hotels, churches, campgrounds, volunteer for homestays. Need to talk right away with people who handled this in Seattle. Looking for workspace/ office space. Next Meeting: Mon 1/17 at 7 pm, 1640 Hobart St. NW FUNDRAISING Work: Take existing letter from Seattle and adapt. Find a 501c3 to funnel money thru, with suggestion it could be Alliance for Global Justice. In Seattle, lots of sponsoring organizations kicked in between $3k-$10k. Set a minimum co-sponsorship contribution for the April 16 - 17 mobilization of US$1.00. Next Meeting: 1/20 1 pm (lunch) at Zorba's Dupont Circle - 21st Street TRAINING/WORKSHOPS Work: Good to do Ruckus type camp from April 1-8. Talked about puppets, props etc. Next Meeting: Thursday 1/13, 7 pm, Xando on R/Connecticut NW COMMUNICATIONS: Work: Set up website for central info which would be for prep and during meeting. Identify ways to communicate with Jubilee 2000, School Of the Americas Watch, Earth Day, etc. Establish listserv for local and national. "Day of" communications: cell phones, radios etc. Reliable calendar of events. Next Meeting: 1/18 Tuesday 7 pm at Woodley Caf=E9 across from Woodley Park Metro station. PROPAGANDA/MESSAGE: Work: Develop messages & write documents. Do outreach to organizations (including in South) to develop message. Work with Training, Media, etc. to get messages out. Next Meeting: Wed 1/19 at 6:00 at CIEL 1367 Conn. Ave #300. South exit of Dupont. SCENARIO/ACTION: Work: Week-long of buildup activities and trainings prior to April 16 - 17. Set up in-kind committee to get donated materials (make this a subset of Fundraising). Next Meeting: Wed 1/19 at Friends of the Earth at noon: 1025 Vermont Ave NW #300. McPherson Square metro. [Note: No one was present for the Legal Working Group; it will be formed later] We are interested in getting people outside of Washington involved in appropriate working groups. If you have a contribution to make, please contact the appropriate person or the provisional clearinghouse. We are also exploring possibilities for meetings by conference call in order to include/involve organizers around the country. For the time being, the Alliance for Global Justice and the 50 Years Is Enough Network have agreed to serve as central contact points for information on the mobilization. We can be reached at wb50years@igc.org (web: www.50years.org) 202/IMF-BANK or 202/544-9355, respectively. The next meeting of the large group is Tuesday, January 25 at 7 p.m. It will probably be at the same location (UDC), but we have to confirm with the university. From rob@essential.org Fri, 14 Jan 2000 15:23:59 -0500 (EST) Date: Fri, 14 Jan 2000 15:23:59 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] IMF news (fwd) 1/14/00, World Bank Development News IMF LOOKS TO BROADER BASE OF SUPPORT FOR ADJUSTMENT PROGRAMS. The IMF will secure broader support for its programs from various sectors of society to make them more effective and successful, AFP reports an IMF official said yesterday. "Clearly, we think that programs work better and quicker if there is this broader sense of ownership," IMF External Relations Director Thomas Dawson said in Singapore. "When a budget is drawn up, and targets are agreed to, an assessment has to be made as to its viability." This is why "Fund missions do regularly meet with elements in the opposition, with elements in civil society, labor unions in particular to...make a judgment of what is doable and achievable," he added, citing the success of the IMF's program in South Korea, where there was leadership and willingness to support financial restructuring. Dawson said his trip through Japan and Singapore were among a series of visits by IMF officials to gain feedback on the Fund's programs, including from the media, opposition groups, and labor unions. Meanwhile, AFP notes in a separate report that Japanese Foreign Minister Yohei Kono said in Paris yesterday Japan had no candidate to succeed outgoing IMF Managing Director Michel Camdessus. "Japan has no concrete proposal," he said during an address to the French Institute for International Relations (IFRI). Traditionally, notes the story, the top job at the IMF goes to a European, but this is being increasingly called into question. Former Japanese Vice Finance Minister Eisuke Sakakibara has been mooted for the job, but Kono said: "In my opinion, there will be different proposals and different candidates. It is not necessary to give the job to a specific region. From rob@essential.org Fri, 14 Jan 2000 23:05:20 -0500 (EST) Date: Fri, 14 Jan 2000 23:05:20 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] ECONOMY: Confessions of the Washington Ideologues (fwd) Excellent piece by Abid Aslam: Robert Weissman Essential Information | Internet: rob@essential.org Copyright 2000, Inter Press Service ECONOMY: Confessions of the Washington Ideologues Analysis - By Abid Aslam WASHINGTON, Jan 14 (IPS) - The past week has seen remarkable confessions from officials at the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) about policy positions that have affected millions of people in borrowing countries. First, Joseph Stiglitz, outgoing chief economist and senior vice president of the World Bank, faulted not only the results but also the very intent of the agencies' response to the "Asian financial crisis." This, he said, had been designed to coddle investors at the expense of workers. "A standard message was to increase labour market flexibility, and the not-so-subtle subtext was to lower wages and lay off workers," Stiglitz declared. The results included spiraling unemployment and severe deflation - falling prices as a result of declining economic activity - a combination that consigned 40 percent of the global economy to recession. This, even as IMF-led emergency financing poured more than 100 billion dollars on the financial wildfire that engulfed Asia and spread to Latin America. Also this week, a team of IMF staffers admitted - albeit implicitly - that their agency had been driven by ideology rather than empirical observation in doggedly opposing capital controls. These are measures to regulate the speed and volatility with which short-term and speculative investment - so-called "hot money" - is allowed to cross borders. Investors would shun countries using controls, the IMF has long argued, setting back long-term hopes of tapping relatively cheap financing for national development. This week, the agency's Monetary and Exchange Affairs Department admitted in a report that controlling both the inflows and outflows of capital has, to varying degrees, helped countries to protect themselves from crisis. Indeed, overwhelming capital inflows precipitated Asia's woes by encouraging investment in projects of questionable financial pedigree and economic merit. The experience of countries that have sought to control short-term capital inflows showed that "to be effective, the coverage of the controls needs to be comprehensive, and the controls need to be forcefully implemented." Case studies included Brazil in 1993-97, Chile in 1991-98, and Malaysia in 1994. What's more, the IMF team conceded, Malaysian moves to control outflows since 1998 - first by preventing, then by regulating foreigners seeking to repatriate their investments - appear to have paid off. "Since the introduction of the controls, there have been no signs of speculative pressures on the exchange rate, despite the marked relaxation of fiscal and monetary policies to support weak economic activity," the IMF admitted. "Nor have there been signs that a parallel or nondeliverable forward market is emerging; and no significant circumvention of efforts have been reported." Technical jargon notwithstanding, "it's so nice to see this arrogant and disdainful agency have to eat crow," or admit it was wrong in slamming Malaysia for introducing controls against IMF advice, said Doug Hellinger, executive director of the Development Group for Alternative Policies (DGAP), a Washington think tank. That pleasure, Hellinger told IPS, was tempered by the knowledge that vulnerable countries have been denied what the Fund now admits is a legitimate policy tool. What's more, the confession was not without considerable qualification. "This review of...capital controls in 14 countries cannot be considered exhaustive and it again illustrates the difficulty of precisely assessing the effect of capital controls, which may have benefits as well as costs," the IMF report said. As far as Malaysia was concerned, "the jury is still out," insisted Stefan Ingves, a former Swedish central banker who now heads the department that produced the IMF report. Malaysia was well on its way to recovery, but time would reveal whether the country would be punished with higher costs of access to international capital markets. Nor could the IMF tell how much of Malaysia's improvement was due to the capital controls and how much was because of other domestic and international factors. In any event, according to the report, "capital controls cannot substitute for sound macroeconomic policies. Countries with serious macroeconomic imbalances, and no credible prospect for improvement in the short run, were regularly unable to address large-scale capital flows or their adverse economic effects by using capital controls." Thus, the Fund appeared to balance its retreat on capital controls with a renewed push for economic restructuring in borrowing countries. "Now that they're wrong, they raise other factors," Hellinger said. "They never raised them before when their position was simple and outright rejection of controls." For years, the Fund has been urging countries to open their capital markets to overseas investors and, until last year, had actively sought to amend its charter so it could require member states to do so. Enthusiasm for this idea has waned amid the financial crises of the past three years. Successive meetings of IMF and World Bank member states have seen a growing number of delegates from borrowing countries question the merits of removing all restraints on what they see as herds of roaming speculators. By late 1998, the IMF had begun to shift its emphasis, urging a gradual and properly-sequenced process of liberalisation to help countries mitigate unsettling side-effects. By last September's annual meetings of the Bretton Woods siblings, there was no formal talk of the need to liberalise - much less make this part of the IMF's central mission. This does not mean the agenda has been abandoned, however. Fund and outside analysts alike said this week that the agency was updating its hymnal but its underlying religion remained unchanged. "In the long run," Ingves argued, "capital controls are bad." (END/IPS/12/EF/aa/ks/00) From soren@igc.org Mon, 17 Jan 2000 04:02:51 -0500 Date: Mon, 17 Jan 2000 04:02:51 -0500 From: Soren Ambrose soren@igc.org Subject: [stop-imf] Frontrunner for IMF job faces opposition This is a multi-part message in MIME format. ------=_NextPart_000_000F_01BF609F.B93B48C0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable Monday January 17 2000 - Financial Times Frontrunner for IMF job faces opposition=20 Koch-Weser is the favourite, though only Berlin wants him, reports Ed = Crooks. But a long struggle for succession could be worse The race to succeed Michel Camdessus as managing director of the = International Monetary Fund is a curious contest. Promising contenders = are being kept out of it, and the current favourite, according to almost = everyone but his backers, is unfit. Caio Koch-Weser, a German finance ministry official who has spent 25 = years with the World Bank, is the frontrunner, but he faces powerful = opposition. Feelings about him in all the G7 capitals except Berlin = range from grudging acceptance to hostility. The issue will be discussed at the Group of Seven industrialised nations = finance ministers' meeting in Tokyo next weekend, but will not be = resolved there. The danger is that the IMF could see a long and damaging struggle for = succession, as the World Trade Organisation experienced last year. Governments and analysts argue that the IMF's failure to prevent the = financial crises in Asia and Russia shows it urgently needs reform, = which cannot be achieved without strong leadership. The German government has stepped up a gear in its support for Mr = Koch-Weser. Chancellor Gerhard Schr=F6der is writing to all 24 of the = IMF's executive directors. Today in Berlin 40 foreign ambassadors will = be briefed by Mr Schr=F6der's chief foreign policy adviser. But on Friday night Larry Summers, US Treasury secretary, dropped heavy = hints that he would not support the German campaign. The new head of the = IMF must have "stature, expertise, ability to command global support and = commitment to a process of ongoing reform", he said. Mr Summers has said he wants an IMF that is much more focused on crisis = prevention and resolution, and much less involved in long-term lending = for development - a role that does not suit Mr Koch-Weser's experience. = Washington also doubts that Mr Koch-Weser possesses the necessary = intellect and negotiating skills to handle complex negotiations with = governments in financial crisis. The IMF post has traditionally been a European fiefdom, and if Europe = were to agree on a candidate, the US would find it hard to resist. = Europe, however, is deeply divided. The French are now backing Laurent Fabius, former prime minister, as an = alternative. He is unlikely to win much backing: his premiership was = overshadowed by a scandal over contaminated blood, and few other = countries want another French MD, especially not one seen as an = old-style socialist. It is a measure of how strongly the French feel about Mr Koch-Weser, = though, that they would even prefer to see a Briton appointed. Andrew Crockett, head of the Bank for International Settlements in = Basle, has a high reputation in London. His problem is that the UK = government is refusing to back him, partly because it does not want = another row with a fellow EU member. Italy has a similar problem with the director of its Treasury, Mario = Draghi. The Italians are seen as having their share of top jobs since = Romano Prodi became European Commission president. Non-European alternatives look even less convincing. Jacob Frenkel, = former Bank of Israel governor, is admired in the US but would be a = controversial choice. It looks as though Stanley Fischer, the first deputy MD, may end up = running the IMF for some time after Mr Camdessus departs next month. He = might even get the job. But having made such a public show of support, it would be hugely = embarrassing for Mr Schr=F6der to see Caio Koch-Weser fail. If deals are cut, he could still be successful. The UK might be offered = a compromise on EU withholding tax. Jean-Claude Trichet, Bank of France = governor and another IMF possible), could take over at the European = Central Bank earlier than expected. But the IMF seems now to be faced with two unappealing alternatives: a = painful, protracted battle for succession, or accepting by default a = candidate whom almost nobody really wants ------=_NextPart_000_000F_01BF609F.B93B48C0 Content-Type: text/html; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable

Monday January 17 2000 – Financial Times

Frontrunner for IMF job faces opposition

Koch-Weser is the favourite, though only Berlin wants him, reports Ed = Crooks.=20 But a long struggle for succession could be worse

The race to succeed Michel Camdessus as managing director of the=20 International Monetary Fund is a curious contest. Promising contenders = are being=20 kept out of it, and the current favourite, according to almost everyone = but his=20 backers, is unfit.

Caio Koch-Weser, a German finance ministry official who has spent 25 = years=20 with the World Bank, is the frontrunner, but he faces powerful = opposition.=20 Feelings about him in all the G7 capitals except Berlin range from = grudging=20 acceptance to hostility.

The issue will be discussed at the Group of Seven industrialised = nations=20 finance ministers' meeting in Tokyo next weekend, but will not be = resolved=20 there.

The danger is that the IMF could see a long and damaging struggle for = succession, as the World Trade Organisation experienced last year.

Governments and analysts argue that the IMF's failure to prevent the=20 financial crises in Asia and Russia shows it urgently needs reform, = which cannot=20 be achieved without strong leadership.

The German government has stepped up a gear in its support for Mr = Koch-Weser.=20 Chancellor Gerhard Schr=F6der is writing to all 24 of the IMF's = executive=20 directors. Today in Berlin 40 foreign ambassadors will be briefed by Mr=20 Schr=F6der's chief foreign policy adviser.

But on Friday night Larry Summers, US Treasury secretary, dropped = heavy hints=20 that he would not support the German campaign. The new head of the IMF = must have=20 "stature, expertise, ability to command global support and commitment to = a=20 process of ongoing reform", he said.

Mr Summers has said he wants an IMF that is much more focused on = crisis=20 prevention and resolution, and much less involved in long-term lending = for=20 development - a role that does not suit Mr Koch-Weser's experience. = Washington=20 also doubts that Mr Koch-Weser possesses the necessary intellect and = negotiating=20 skills to handle complex negotiations with governments in financial = crisis.

The IMF post has traditionally been a European fiefdom, and if Europe = were to=20 agree on a candidate, the US would find it hard to resist. Europe, = however, is=20 deeply divided.

The French are now backing Laurent Fabius, former prime minister, as = an=20 alternative. He is unlikely to win much backing: his premiership was=20 overshadowed by a scandal over contaminated blood, and few other = countries want=20 another French MD, especially not one seen as an old-style = socialist.

It is a measure of how strongly the French feel about Mr Koch-Weser, = though,=20 that they would even prefer to see a Briton appointed.

Andrew Crockett, head of the Bank for International Settlements in = Basle, has=20 a high reputation in London. His problem is that the UK government is = refusing=20 to back him, partly because it does not want another row with a fellow = EU=20 member.

Italy has a similar problem with the director of its Treasury, Mario = Draghi.=20 The Italians are seen as having their share of top jobs since Romano = Prodi=20 became European Commission president.

Non-European alternatives look even less convincing. Jacob Frenkel, = former=20 Bank of Israel governor, is admired in the US but would be a = controversial=20 choice.

It looks as though Stanley Fischer, the first deputy MD, may end up = running=20 the IMF for some time after Mr Camdessus departs next month. He might = even get=20 the job.

But having made such a public show of support, it would be hugely=20 embarrassing for Mr Schr=F6der to see Caio Koch-Weser fail.

If deals are cut, he could still be successful. The UK might be = offered a=20 compromise on EU withholding tax. Jean-Claude Trichet, Bank of France = governor=20 and another IMF possible), could take over at the European Central Bank = earlier=20 than expected.

But the IMF seems now to be faced with two unappealing alternatives: = a=20 painful, protracted battle for succession, or accepting by default a = candidate=20 whom almost nobody really wants

------=_NextPart_000_000F_01BF609F.B93B48C0-- From soren@igc.org Tue, 18 Jan 2000 00:11:37 -0500 Date: Tue, 18 Jan 2000 00:11:37 -0500 From: Soren Ambrose soren@igc.org Subject: [stop-imf] Camdessus on IMF's discovery of poverty This is a multi-part message in MIME format. ------=_NextPart_000_0007_01BF6148.96405000 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable Since announcing his resignation (effective mid-February), IMF Managing = Director Michel Camdessus has been making frequent speeches about the = necessity of combatting poverty and the role that the IMF sees itself = playing in that pursuit with its new Poverty Reduction and Growth = Facility, the new name for its notorious Enhanced Structural Adjustment = Facility (ESAF). The following article is one of many detailing = Camdessus's charm offensive, but is particularly notable for the last = few sentences, in which Camdessus is asked to explain why it took so = long for the Fund to recognize that SAPs would win little support so = long as they continue to oppress people. Camdessus urges developed nations to cut arms sales to Africa LIBREVILLE, Jan 17 (AFP) - IMF Director General Michel Camedessus on = Monday urged developed nations to slash their arms exports to Africa, = saying "the other name for development is peace." Speaking ahead of a two-day summit on poverty reduction in Africa, = Camdessus said: "A third of African countries are at war and 90 percent = of the weapons used are sold by G-8 nations," referring to the group of = eight most industrialised countries. Camdessus told a press conference ahead of the summit, to be held = Tuesday and Wednesday under the aegis of the International Monetary = Fund, that the IMF was pressing African regimes to cut back their = military spending. "The other name for development is peace," he said, calling on rich = countries to cut exports "not only of heavy weaponry but also of the = light arms which are carried by children in the front line of the = conflicts." "When a country we support goes to war, we go into discussions with it: = Do you want war or development? It's a pretty tough dialogue," he said. Some 20 African heads of state and government are expected to attend the = gathering along with top staff of the IMF, the World Bank and the = African Development Bank. A preliminary ministerial meeting was being held Monday. Ministers and experts from across the continent have already prepared a = document containing proposals for alleviating poverty. Camdessus estimated that Africa should be able to reach sustained annual = growth rates of six to seven percent, rather than the current four to = five percent, with an objective of eliminating 50 percent of extreme = poverty by 2015. The IMF director general is confidently promoting a new facility for = poverty reduction and growth, through which the Fund is to abandon its = "all macro-economic" approach. "The fundamental aspect of these programmes is recognition of the = circular relationships among the effort to reduce inflation, (to = establish) good macro-economic balance, and the reduction of poverty and = inequalities," he said. "We have found that the more you obtain reductions in poverty and = inequalities, the more you give validity to your monetary and = macro-economic programmes, which become stronger and further reduce = poverty and inequalities," he added. Asked how long the IMF had taken to draw this conclusion, Camdessus said = that such principles had only recently been recognised by economists. "Economic progress takes time," he said. "Our institutions are serious = institutions which don't wish to sell illusions." ------=_NextPart_000_0007_01BF6148.96405000 Content-Type: text/html; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable
Since announcing his resignation = (effective=20 mid-February), IMF Managing Director Michel Camdessus has been making = frequent=20 speeches about the necessity of combatting poverty and the role that the = IMF=20 sees itself playing in that pursuit with its new Poverty Reduction and = Growth=20 Facility, the new name for its notorious Enhanced Structural Adjustment = Facility=20 (ESAF).  The following article is one of many detailing Camdessus's = charm=20 offensive, but is particularly notable for the last few sentences, in = which=20 Camdessus is asked to explain why it took so long for the Fund to = recognize that=20 SAPs would win little support so long as they continue to oppress=20 people.
 

Camdessus urges developed nations to cut arms sales to Africa

LIBREVILLE, Jan 17 (AFP) - IMF Director General Michel Camedessus on = Monday=20 urged developed nations to slash their arms exports to Africa, saying = "the other=20 name for development is peace."

Speaking ahead of a two-day summit on poverty reduction in Africa, = Camdessus=20 said: "A third of African countries are at war and 90 percent of the = weapons=20 used are sold by G-8 nations," referring to the group of eight most=20 industrialised countries.

Camdessus told a press conference ahead of the summit, to be held = Tuesday and=20 Wednesday under the aegis of the International Monetary Fund, that the = IMF was=20 pressing African regimes to cut back their military spending.

"The other name for development is peace," he said, calling on rich = countries=20 to cut exports "not only of heavy weaponry but also of the light arms = which are=20 carried by children in the front line of the conflicts."

"When a country we support goes to war, we go into discussions with = it: Do=20 you want war or development? It's a pretty tough dialogue," he said.

Some 20 African heads of state and government are expected to attend = the=20 gathering along with top staff of the IMF, the World Bank and the = African=20 Development Bank.

A preliminary ministerial meeting was being held Monday.

Ministers and experts from across the continent have already prepared = a=20 document containing proposals for alleviating poverty.

Camdessus estimated that Africa should be able to reach sustained = annual=20 growth rates of six to seven percent, rather than the current four to = five=20 percent, with an objective of eliminating 50 percent of extreme poverty = by=20 2015.

The IMF director general is confidently promoting a new facility for = poverty=20 reduction and growth, through which the Fund is to abandon its "all=20 macro-economic" approach.

"The fundamental aspect of these programmes is recognition of the = circular=20 relationships among the effort to reduce inflation, (to establish) good=20 macro-economic balance, and the reduction of poverty and inequalities," = he=20 said.

"We have found that the more you obtain reductions in poverty and=20 inequalities, the more you give validity to your monetary and = macro-economic=20 programmes, which become stronger and further reduce poverty and = inequalities,"=20 he added.

Asked how long the IMF had taken to draw this conclusion, Camdessus = said that=20 such principles had only recently been recognised by economists.

"Economic progress takes time," he said. "Our institutions are = serious=20 institutions which don't wish to sell = illusions."

------=_NextPart_000_0007_01BF6148.96405000-- From soren@igc.org Mon, 24 Jan 2000 16:21:33 -0500 Date: Mon, 24 Jan 2000 16:21:33 -0500 From: soren@igc.org soren@igc.org Subject: [stop-imf] G7 discusses reforms at IMF and World Bank Monday January 24 2000 Financial Times G7 to review IMF, World Bank roles By Stephen Fidler and Gillian Tett in Tokyo Group of Seven governments agreed at the weekend to a comprehensive review of financing procedures used by the International Monetary Fund and to examine the roles of the World Bank and the regional development banks. The decision represents agreement to consider at least some of the reform proposals for the IMF being urged by the US Treasury. Larry Summers, US treasury secretary, has called for the IMF to focus more narrowly on providing emergency support for countries in crisis and to reduce significantly its long-term financing role in developing economies. The agreement to look at the role of the multilateral development banks "in the context of changing global conditions" suggests the reform agenda is wider than previously indicated. However, despite US calls for a strong figure to lead the reform effort at the IMF after the retirement next month of Michel Camdessus as managing director, little headway was made on the issue. The matter was raised in bilateral meetings on the sidelines of the G7 meeting. The lack of progress means Mr Camdessus will almost certainly retire without a successor having been found. This will leave the institution under the charge, at least for a time, of Stanley Fischer, his deputy. There was no indication, however, that the G7 was yet ready to look outside Europe - in whose gift the choice of IMF head traditionally resides - for a candidate. While Mr Fischer has been seen as a strong deputy and there have been suggestions that he could take over until the end of Mr Camdessus's term in 2002, there were questions about whether he would carry the political weight needed to head the organisation. France insisted over the weekend that it had not attempted to put forward its own, formal candidate. "We do not have an official French candidate," Christian Sautter, French finance minister, said, adding that he was sure that a "European candidate of high level of confidence" would be found. However, some German officials indicated that they had not yet won firm backing from the French for Europe's only overt candidate: Caio Koch-Weser, deputy finance minister. "It would be an advance if we knew exactly what the French position was," said Hans Eichel, German finance minister. Mr Summers said the IMF review would look at the pricing of its loans, the question of long-term funding and the repeated use of financing by countries. He said the Fund board took the first step on Friday by abolishing little used procedures for financing commodity buffer stocks. The international moves come amid expectations of more criticism from the US Congress of the institutions. A committee, mandated by Congress and chaired by the economist Allan Meltzer, is expected to report critically on their role in the next few months. A Japanese idea to revive its proposal for an Asian monetary fund - under a different title - also received little backing. Mr Summers said the issue was not discussed at the G7 meeting, and the US continued to have reservations. Monday January 24 2000 Financial Times Little progress by the G7 (editorial) Larry Summers, the US Treasury secretary, has argued that structural reform is needed to promote economic growth in Europe and Japan. He has also stated that the vacancy at the top of the International Monetary Fund provides an opportunity to refocus the institution. On both points, he is right. It is unclear, however, whether the weekend meeting of finance ministers and central bankers from the Group of Seven industrial nations in Tokyo took either much further. These were two important topics for discussion, but they were not the only ones. As expected, there were complex manoeuvrings over what to say, and not to say, about exchange rates. In the end, the hosts obtained what they wanted: a reference to the undesirable strength of the yen. The main challenge highlighted in the G7 statement is securing a more balanced pattern of world growth. It is particularly important, argues the communiqué, for countries to take advantage of investment opportunities created by information technology. Structural reform is required to improve investment opportunities and create jobs. But while serving as an example of remarkable economic performance, the US economy also poses some of the largest risks to stability in the international economy. The current account deficit, forecast by the OECD to exceed 4 per cent of gross domestic product this year, in part reflects the weaknesses of economies elsewhere. But it also reflects the danger of overheating in the US economy. Domestic demand, buoyed by a highly valued stock market, continues to outstrip the growth of domestic supply. The current account provides a helpful safety valve. But non-inflationary finance of the deficit relies on a continuation of the remarkably strong foreign demand for US assets. The G7 statement also notes the need for the functions of the IMF to reflect the changes in the global financial landscape. It refers specifically to "a greater focus in promoting the flow of information to markets and reducing liquidity and balance sheets risks". That is fine, as far as it goes. But it should go further. Mr Summers has argued rightly that the IMF should concentrate on short-term funds to help countries recover rapidly from financial disruptions. Logically, this would leave the chief responsibility for long-term lending to the World Bank, though the IMF would need to play a strong supporting role. But this raises a host of difficult questions about the relationship between the IMF and the Bank - questions that the new managing-director will have to address. Replacing Michel Camdessus was not a part of the formal agenda. But until a credible new head is found, the needed IMF reforms will remain in limbo. ========================================================================= **In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. section 107,this material is distributed without profit or payment to those who have expressed a prior interest. This information is for non-profit research and education purpuses only.** ========================================================================= From soren@igc.org Tue, 25 Jan 2000 17:02:19 -0500 Date: Tue, 25 Jan 2000 17:02:19 -0500 From: soren@igc.org soren@igc.org Subject: [stop-imf] DC folks: event on structural adjustment/IMF/Nicaragua Mark your Calendars Nicaragua is at another turning point in her history. President, Aleman and the leader of the Sandinista opposition party, Ortega, have come together and created a pact that will substantially alter Nicaragua’s constitution. Nicaragua has reached the decision point for HIPC and desires relief of her $6.1 billion debt, the highest per capita debt in this hemisphere. After Hurricane Mitch, Nicaragua received millions of dollars of foreign aid, but charges of corrupt usage have been made. Trade continues to be of primary concern as Nicaragua imports $1.5 billion and exports $600 million. A group of 14 congressional staff and Quest for Peace activists just completed a travel seminar studying debt, trade and aid in Nicaragua. Come hear Quest for Peace and a panel of Congressional Staff share their experiences in Nicaragua. Monday, January 31, 2000 12:30-1:30 Methodist Building 110 Maryland Ave. NE Light refreshments will be provided. Any questions? 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AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA== --------------B448576814F75A7C149A33CB-- From naimanr@cepr.net Thu, 27 Jan 2000 04:14:21 -0500 Date: Thu, 27 Jan 2000 04:14:21 -0500 From: Robert Naiman naimanr@cepr.net Subject: [stop-imf] Sign-on in support of taxing speculation This is a multi-part message in MIME format. ------=_NextPart_000_0016_01BF687C.FD580220 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit Dear colleagues: The Center for Economic and Policy Research, a not-for-profit research and educational institution in Washington, DC, along with the Halifax Initiative in Vancouver, Canada, is conducting a program of research and education on the benefits of a small tax on financial transactions to discourage speculation, increase the efficiency of financial markets and the tax system, raise revenues, and shift the burden of taxation away from the bottom of the income distribution. As part of this program, we are circulating 3 documents: 1. A (draft) sign-on statement in support of a transactions tax, reproduced below. 2. A survey of organizations working in support of a transactions tax, attached to this message. 3. A paper by CEPR co-director Dean Baker, which we would welcome your comments on, attached to this message. These documents are also available on the CEPR web site at http://www.cepr.net For the sign-on statement, please send us your comments on this draft and let us know if you would like to sign. Please send your comments by Tuesday, February 22, as we would like to finalize the statement then. The survey is intended to help us produce a document that would serve as a guide to international activity in support of a transactions tax as a tool for organizations working on these issues. Concerning the paper, we would like to know if you find it useful. While some of the details of the paper are specific to the context of the United States, the argument is more general. We would be pleased to work with organizations in different countries to adapt the arguments to different national contexts. In addition, should you decide to translate any of these materials to other languages, please let us know, as this would be quite useful. Please send signatures, surveys, comments and queries to: signon@preamble.org, by email, or to Robert Naiman, Senior Researcher Center for Economic and Policy Research 1737 21st NW Washington, DC 20009 202-265-3647 (fax) Thank you for your assistance. SIGN ON STATEMENT IN SUPPORT OF A TAX ON FINANCIAL and Currency TRANSACTIONS The undersigned organizations subscribe to the following: That financial speculation constitutes a form of gambling. As such, public policy should treat it no differently than other forms of gambling. This means that financial speculation should be subject to the same sort of taxes as other forms of gambling, since government tax policy should not favor one form of gambling over another. That financial speculation can be more harmful than other forms of gambling, since it can destabilize financial markets, sometimes with socially devastating consequences. That the economic purpose of financial and currency markets is to allocate savings for investment and to facilitate international trade. Reducing speculation in financial assets and currencies makes these markets more efficient in fulfilling their economic functions. That speculation is unproductive activity and that therefore taxing speculation is more efficient than taxing productive activity. That financial speculation is predominantly conducted by people with higher incomes. Therefore taxing speculation will reduce the burden of taxation on lower income people. That in light of these arguments, governments should consider implementing small taxes on financial and currency transactions, along with other efficient regulations on capital flows, and international financial institutions should support these measures where they are implemented. ------=_NextPart_000_0016_01BF687C.FD580220 Content-Type: application/msword; name="Speculation Tax Survey.doc" Content-Transfer-Encoding: base64 Content-Disposition: attachment; filename="Speculation Tax Survey.doc" 0M8R4KGxGuEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAPgADAP7/CQAGAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABAAAACwAAAAAAAAAA EAAADAAAAAEAAAD+////AAAAAAoAAAD///////////////////////////////////////////// //////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// //////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// //////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// //////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// 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AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAByZCBmb3IgV2luZG93cyA5NQBS bUAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAEAAAAAAJOHnLdm+AUAAAAAAsDmRpmi/AUAAAAAAsDmRpmi/AQMAAAABAAAA AwAAAOYNAAADAAAAPk8AAAMAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAP7/AAAE CgIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAEAAAAC1c3VnC4bEJOXCAArLPmuMAAAALQAAAAHAAAAAQAAAEAA AAAPAAAASAAAAAUAAABUAAAABgAAAFwAAAALAAAAZAAAABAAAABsAAAADAAAAHQAAAACAAAA5AQA AB4AAAACAAAAIABDAAMAAACpAAAAAwAAACgAAAALAAAAAAAAAAsAAAAAAAAADBAAAAIAAAAeAAAA KAAAAFRoZSBTdXJlIFdpbm5lcjogVGF4IEdhbWJsaW5nLCBOb3QgV29yawADAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA== ------=_NextPart_000_0016_01BF687C.FD580220-- From soren@igc.org Fri, 28 Jan 2000 16:43:30 -0500 Date: Fri, 28 Jan 2000 16:43:30 -0500 From: soren@igc.org soren@igc.org Subject: [stop-imf] Ukraine: possible embezzlement of IMF funds IMF says it will look into accusations of fraud charges in Ukraine WASHINGTON, Jan 28 (AFP) - The International Monetary Fund plans to look into allegations by a former Ukrainian prime minister that members of the current administration diverted 613 million dollars in IMF money in 1997, a Fund spokesman said here Friday. The Financial Times earlier in the day reported that former prime minister Pavlo Lazarenko was about to allege that some members of President Leonid Kuchma's government have been involved in money laundering and embezzlement schemes, including the improper investment of IMF funds in speculative government bonds that carried interest rates of up to 66 percent. "We take this report seriously," IMF spokesman Thomas Dawson told reporters. "Those specific allegations are news to us. We will take a careful look at it and we are in touch with the Ukrainian authorities." Lazarenko is himself wanted in Switzerland on money laundering charges and is currently in custody in the United States, according to the Financial Times. It said some 200 million dollars from the investment in government bonds are alleged to have been deposited in Belgian and Swiss accounts of people close to Kuchma. Elsewhere in his remarks Friday, Dawson said another IMF mission to Ukraine would be needed in February for negotiations on a possible loan of 2.6 billion dollars. During a previous mission, according to Dawson, "we reached agreements on a lot of issues" but further talks are needed on Ukraine's external debt. From soren@igc.org Sat, 29 Jan 2000 16:29:32 -0500 Date: Sat, 29 Jan 2000 16:29:32 -0500 From: soren@igc.org soren@igc.org Subject: [stop-imf] Ukraine/IMF scandal [Editor's Note: Yesterday IMF spokesman Thomas Dawson would not confirm these reports; today Fischer says they knew about it in '98.] Ukraine misused IMF funds in 1997: Fischer DAVOS, Switzerland, Jan 29 (AFP) - Ukraine used International Monetary Fund (IMF) funds for irregular purposes in 1997, but its activities are now back in order, IMF deputy chief Stanley Fischer said Saturday. "We are pretty confident about the current situation," he said at the World Economic Forum (WEF) annual meeting in Davos, Switzerland, referring to a report in the Financial Times on Friday. "We'll have to go back and check what happenend in 1997. .. in 1998 we discovered that some of the Ukrainian reserves were used for other purposes," he told a press conferrence. The Financial Times reported that former premier Pavlo Lazarenko was about to allege that some members of President Leonid Kuchma's government have been involved in money laundering and embezzlement schemes. The activities included the improper investment of IMF funds in speculative government bonds that carried interest rates of up to 66 percent, diverting 613 million dollars of IMF money in 1997, it said. ========================================================================= **In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. section 107,this material is distributed without profit or payment to those who have expressed a prior interest. This information is for non-profit research and education purpuses only.** ========================================================================= From soren@igc.org Mon, 31 Jan 2000 10:31:21 -0500 Date: Mon, 31 Jan 2000 10:31:21 -0500 From: soren@igc.org soren@igc.org Subject: [stop-imf] FW: CANCELLED: Report on Nicaragua Delegation -----Original Message----- From: Quest for Peace [mailto:quest@quixote.org] Sent: Monday, January 31, 2000 10:30 AM To: quest@quixote.org Subject: CANCELLED: Report on Nicaragua Delegation To those of you who were planning to attend the Brown Bag Report on the Quest for Peace delegation to Nicaragua: Due to the inclement weather, the brown bag report from the group who just completed a travel seminar studying debt, trade and aid in Nicaragua has been postponed. We hope to reschedule for Monday, February 14th and will keep you informed. Thank you for your interest. Tammy Williams Quixote Center/Quest for Peace 301-699-0042 - v 301-864-2182 - f quest@quixote.org www.quixote.org/quest From rob@essential.org Thu, 3 Feb 2000 18:06:21 -0500 (EST) Date: Thu, 3 Feb 2000 18:06:21 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] list update and April 16 Friends: My apologies for the slow traffic on the list the last few weeks. I've been away from my office and off line. Today and tomorrow I will send out more than the usual number of items, covering events from the last few weeks -- be sure to check the date on the posts. After that, the list will return to the normal volume. However, there is likely to be an increased volume in the weeks leading up to the April 16 demonstration against the IMF and World Bank in Washington, D.C. For general information on the action, check http://a16.org. Information on a planning listserve for the event follows below. Robert Weissman Essential Information | Internet: rob@essential.org A new listserv has been set up to facilitate national and international communication about planned actions, protests, and other related events around the April 16-17 meetings of the IMF/World Bank in Washington, DC. This is the national/international communications list, *not* the DC-area activists list. You can join this list by sending a blank e-mail message to a16-international-planning-subscribe@egroups.com. From rob@essential.org Fri, 4 Feb 2000 04:26:03 -0500 (EST) Date: Fri, 4 Feb 2000 04:26:03 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] Walden Bello on Decommissioning the IMF Both of the following essays merit attention, the second focuses on the IMF. Robert Weissman Essential Information | Internet: rob@essential.org FOCUS ON TRADE, Number 43, January 2000 Focus-on-Trade is a regular electronic bulletin providing updates and analysis of trends in regional and world trade and finance, with an emphasis on analysis of these trends from an integrative, interdisciplinary viewpoint that is sensitive not only to economic issues, but also to ecological, political, gender and social issues. Your contributions and comments are welcome. Please contact us c/o CUSRI, Wisit Prachuabmoh Building, Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok 10330 Thailand. tel: (66 2) 218 7363/7364/7365, fax: (66 2) 255 9976, email: admin@focusweb.org, website: http://focusweb.org. Focus on the Global South is an autonomous programme of policy research and action of the Chulalongkorn University Social Research Institute (CUSRI) based in Bangkok. **************************************************** IN THIS ISSUE: Post Seattle, there has been a lot of talk about how to reform the WTO. In this issue, Walden Bello argues that in the case of both the IMF and the WTO, NGOs must be aware of the pitfalls of the refom agenda. Why Reform of the WTO is the Wrong Agenda by Walden Bello Jurassic Fund: Should Developing Countries Push to Decommission the IMF? by Walden Bello ***************************************************** Why Reform of the WTO is the Wrong Agenda By Walden Bello* In the wake of the collapse of the Seattle Ministerial, there has emerged the opinion that reform of the WTO is now the program that NGOs, governments, and citizens must embrace. The collapse of the WTO Ministerial is said to provide a unique window of opportunity for a reform agenda. Cited by some as a positive sign is United States Trade Representative Charlene Barshefsky's comment, immediately after the collapse of the Seattle Ministerial, that "the WTO has outgrown the processes appropriate to an earlier time." An increasing and necessary view, generally shared among the members, was that we needed a process which had a greater degree of internal transparency and inclusion to accommodate a larger and more diverse membership." (1) Also seen as an encouraging gesture is UK Secretary of State for Trade and Industry Stephen Byers' recent statement to Commonwealth Trade Ministers in New Delhi that the "WTO will not be able to continue in its present fo rm. There has to be fundamental and radical change in order for it to meet the needs and aspirations of all 134 of its members." (2) These are, in our view, damage control statements and provide little indication of the seriousness about reform of the two governments that were, pre-Seattle, the stoutest defenders of the inequalities built into the stru cture, dynamics, and objectives of the WTO. It is unfortunate that they are now being cited to convince developing countries and NGOs to take up an agenda of reform that could lead precisely to the strengthening of an org anization that is very fundamentally flawed. What civil society, North and South, should instead be doing at this point is radically cutting down the power of the institution and reducing it to simply another institution in a pluralistic world trading system with mu ltiple systems of governance. Is the WTO Necessary? This is the fundamental question on which the question of reform hinges. World trade did not need the WTO to expand 17-fold between 1948 and 1997, from $124 billion to $10,772 billion. (3) This expansion took place under the flexible GATT trade regime. The WTO's founding in 1995 did not respond to a collapse or crisis of world trade such as happened in the 1930's. It was not necessary for global peace, since no world war or trade-relate d war had taken place during that period. In the seven major inter-state wars that took place in that period-the Korean War of 1950-53, the Vietnam War of 1945-75, the Suez Crisis of 1956, the 1967 Arab-Israeli War, the 1 973 Arab-Israeli War, the 1982 Falklands War, and the Gulf War of 1990-trade conflict did not figure even remotely as a cause. GATT was, in fact, functioning reasonably well as a framework for liberalizing world trade. Its dispute-settlement system was flexible and with its recognition of the "special and differential status" of developing countr ies, it provided the space in a global economy for Third World countries to use trade policy for development and industrialization. Why was the WTO established following the Uruguay Round of 1986-94? Of the major trading powers, Japan was very ambivalent, concerned as it was to protect its agriculture as well as its particular system of industrial production that, through formal and informal mechanisms, gave its local producers primary right to exploit the domestic market. The EU, well on the way of becoming a self-sufficient trading bloc, was likewise ambivalent, knowing that its highly subsidized system in agriculture would come und er attack. Though demanding greater access to their manufactured and agricultural products in the Northern economies, the developing countries did not see this as being accomplished through a comprehensive agreement enfor ced by a powerful trade bureaucracy but through discrete negotiations and agreements in the model of the Integrated Program for Commodities (IPCs) and Commodity Stabilization Fund agreed upon under the aegis of UNCTAD in the late seventies. The founding of the WTO served primarily the interest of the United States. Just as it was the US which blocked the founding of the International Trade Organization (ITO) in 1948, when it felt that this would not serve it s position of overwhelming economic dominance in the post-war world, so it was the US that became the dominant lobbyist for the comprehensive Uruguay Round and the founding of the WTO in late eighties and early nineties, when it felt that more competitive global conditions had created a situation where its corporate interests now demanded an opposite stance. Just as it was the US's threat in the 1950's to leave GATT if it was not allowed to maintain protective mechanisms for milk and other agricultural products that led to agricultural trade's exemption from GATT rules, so wa s it US pressure that brought agriculture into the GATT-WTO system in 1995. And the reason for Washington's change of mind was articulated quite candidly by then US Agriculture Secretary John Block at the start of the Uru guay Round negotiations in 1986: "[The] idea that developing countries should feed themselves is an anachronism from a bygone era. They could better ensure their food security by relying on US agricultural products, which are available, in most cases at much lower cost."(4) Washington, of course, did not just have developing country markets in mind, but also Japan, South Korea, and the European Union. It was the US that mainly pushed to bring services under WTO coverage, with its assessment that the in the new burgeoning area of international services, and particularly in financial services, its corporations had a lead that needed to be preserved. It was also the US that pushed to expand WTO jurisdiction to the so-called "Trade-Related Investment Measures" (TRIMs) and "Trade-Related Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs)." The first soug ht to eliminate barriers to the system of internal cross-border trade of product components among TNC (transnational corporations) subsidiaries that had been imposed by developing countries in order to develop their indus tries; the second to consolidate the US advantage in the cutting-edge knowledge-intensive industries. And it was the US that forced the creation of the WTO's formidable dispute-resolution and enforcement mechanism after being frustrated with what US trade officials considered weak GATT efforts to enforce rulings favourabl e to the US. As Washington's academic point man on trade, C. Fred Bergsten, head of the Institute of International Economics, told the US Senate, the strong WTO dispute settlement mechanism serves US interests because "we can now use the full weight of the international machinery to go after those trade barriers, reduce them, get them eliminated."(5) In sum, it has been Washington's changing perception of the needs of its economic interest groups that have shaped and reshaped the international trading regime. It was not global necessity that gave birth to the WTO in 1 995. It was the US's assessment that the interests of its corporations were no longer served by a loose and flexible GATT but needed an all-powerful and wide-ranging WTO. From the free-market paradigm that underpins it, to the rules and regulations set forth in the different agreements that make up the Uruguay Round, to its system of decision-making and accountability, the WTO is a blueprint for the global hegemony of Corporate America. It seeks to institutionalize the accumulated advantages of US corporations. Is the WTO necessary? Yes, to the United States. But not to the rest of the world. The necessity of the WTO is one of the biggest lies of our time, and its acceptance is due to the same propaganda principle practised by Joseph Goebbels: if you repeat a lie often enough, it will be taken as truth. Can the WTO Serve the Interests of the Developing Countries? But what about the developing countries? Is the WTO a necessary structure--one that, whatever its flaws, brings more benefits than costs, and would therefore merit efforts at reform? When the Uruguay Round was being negotiated, there was considerable lack of enthusiasm for the process by the developing countries. After all, these countries had formed the backbone of UNCTAD, which, with its system of o ne-country/one-vote and majority voting, they felt was an international arena more congenial to their interests. They entered the Uruguay Round greatly resenting the large trading powers' policy of weakening and marginali zing UNCTAD in the late seventies and early eighties. Largely passive spectators, with a great number not even represented during the negotiations owing to resource constraints, the developing countries were dragged into unenthusiastic endorsement of the Marrakesh Accord of 1994 that sealed the Uruguay Round and established the WTO. True, there were a few developing countries in the Cairns Group, a group of developed and developing agro-exporting countries, that took an active role in pushin g the WTO in the hope that this would improve market access to their agricultural products in the North, but they were a small minority. To try to sell the WTO to the South, US propagandists evoked the fear that staying out of the WTO would result in a country's isolation from world trade ("like North Korea") and stoked the promise that a "rules-based syst em" of world trade would protect the weak countries from unilateral acts by the big trading powers. With their economies dominated by the IMF and the World Bank, with the structural adjustment programs pushed by these agencies having as a central element radical trade liberalization, much weaker as a bloc owing to the d ebt crisis compared to the 1970's, the height of the "New International Economic Order," most developing country delegations felt they had no choice but to sign on the dotted line. Over the next few years, however, these countries realized that they had signed away their right to employ a variety of critical trade measures for development purposes. In contrast to the loose GATT framework, which had allowed some space for development initiatives, the comprehensive and tightened Uruguay Round was fundamentally anti-development in its thrust. This is evident in the fol lowing: Loss of Trade Policy as Development Tool In signing on to GATT, Third World countries were committed to banning all quantitative restrictions on imports, reduce tariffs on many industrial imports, and promise not to raise tariffs on all other imports. In so doin g, they have effectively given up the use of trade policy to pursue industrialization objectives. The way that the NICs, or "newly industrializing countries," made it to industrial status, via the policy of import substit ution, is now effectively removed as a route to industrialization. The anti-industrialization thrust of the GATT-WTO Accord is made even more manifest in the Agreement on Trade-Related Investment Measures (TRIMs) and the Agreement on Trade-Related Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs). In their drive to industrialize, NICs like South Korea and Malaysia made use of many innovative mechanisms such as trade-balancing requirements that tied the value of a foreign investor's imports of raw materials and compon ents to the value of his or her exports of the finished commodity, or "local content" regulations which mandated that a certain percentage of the components that went into the making of a product was sourced locally. These rules indeed restricted the maneuvering space of foreign investors, but they were successfully employed by the NICs to marry foreign investment to national industrialization. They enabled the NICs to raise income fr om capital-intensive exports, develop support industries, bring in technology, while still protecting local entrepreneurs' preferential access to the domestic market. In Malaysia, for instance, the strategic use of local content policy enabled the Malaysians to build a "national car," in cooperation with Mitsubishi, that has now achieved about 80 per cent local content and controls 70 per cent of the Malaysian market. Thanks to the TRIMs accord, these mechanisms used are now illegal. The Restriction of Technological Diffusion Like the TRIMs agreement, the TRIPs regime is seen as effectively opposed to the industrialization and development efforts of Third World countries. This becomes clear from a survey of the economic history not only of the NICs but of al most all late-industrializing countries. A key factor in their industrial take-off was their relatively easy access to cutting-edge technology: The US industrialized, to a great extent by using but paying very little for British manufacturing innovations, as did the Germans. Japan industrialized by liberally borrowing US technological innovations, but barely compensating the Americans for this. And the Koreans industrialized by copying qu ite liberally and with little payment US and Japanese product and process technologies. But what is "technological diffusion" from the perspective of the late industrializer is "piracy" from that of the industrial leader. The TRIPs regime takes the side of the latter and makes the process of industrializatio n by imitation much more difficult from hereon. It represents what UNCTAD describes as "a premature strengthening of the intellectual property system...that favours monopolistically controlled innovation over broad-based diffusion."(6) The TRIPs regime provides a generalized minimum patent protection of 20 years; increases the duration of the protection for semi-conductors or computer chips; institutes draconian border regulations against products judge d to be violating intellectual property rights; and places the burden of proof on the presumed violator of process patents. The TRIPs accord is a victory for the US high-tech industry, which has long been lobbying for stronger controls over the diffusion of innovations. Innovation in the knowledge-intensive high-tech sector-in electronic softw are and hardware, biotechnology, lasers, opto-electronics, liquid crystal technology, to name a few-has become the central determinant of economic power in our time. And when any company in the NICs and Third World wishes to innovate, say in chip design, software programming, or computer assembly, it necessarily has to integrate several patented designs and processes, most of them from US electronic hardware and software giants like Micro soft, Intel, and Texas Instruments. (7) As the Koreans have bitterly learned, exorbitant multiple royalty payments to what has been called the American "high tech mafia" keeps one's profit margins very low while reducing incentives for local innovation. The likely outcome is for a Southern manufacturer simply to pay royalties for a technology rather than to innovate, thus perpetuating the technological dependence on Northern firms. Thus, TRIPs enables the technological l eader, in this case the United States, to greatly influence the pace of technological and industrial development in rival industrialized countries, the NICs, and the Third World. The Watering Down of the "Special and Differential Treatment" Principle The central principle of UNCTAD (United Nations Conference on Trade and Development)-an organization disempowered by the establishment of the WTO--is that owing to the critical nexus between trade and development, develop ing countries must not be subjected to the same expectations, rules, and regulations that govern trade among the developed countries. Owing to historical and structural considerations, developing countries need special co nsideration and special assistance in levelling the playing field for them to be able to participate equitably in world trade. This would include both the use of protective tariffs for development purposes and preferentia l access of developing country exports to developed country markets. While GATT was not centrally concerned with development, it did recognize the "special and differential status" of the developing countries. Perhaps the strongest statement of this was in the Tokyo Round Declaration in 1 973, which recognized "the importance of the application of differential measures in developing countries in ways which will provide special and more favourable treatment for them in areas of negotiation where this is fea sible."(8) Different sections of the evolving GATT code allowed countries to renegotiate tariff bindings in order to promote the establishment of certain industries; allowed developing countries to use tariffs for economic developme nt and fiscal purposes; allowed them to use quantitative restrictions to promote infant industries; and conceded the principle of non-reciprocity by developing countries in trade negotiation. (9) The 1979 Framework Agreem ent known at the Enabling Clause also provided a permanent legal basis for General System of Preferences (GSP) schemes that would provide preferential access to developing country exports. (10) A significant shift occurred in the Uruguay Round. GSP schemes were not bound, meaning tariffs could be raised against developing country until they equalled the bound rates applied to imports for all sources. Indeed, dur ing the negotiations, the threat to remove GSP was used as "a form of bilateral pressure on developing countries."(11) SDT was turned from a focus on a special right to protect and special rights of market access to "one of responding to special adjustment difficulties in developing countries stemming from the implementation of WTO decisions."(12) Measures meant to address the structural inequality of the trading system gave way to measur es, such as a lower rate of tariff reduction or a longer time frame for implementing decisions, which regarded the problem of developing countries as simply that of catching up in an essentially even playing field. STD has been watered down in the WTO, and this is not surprising for the neoliberal agenda that underpins the WTO philosophy differs from the Keynesian assumptions of GATT: that there are no special rights, no special pro tections needed for development. The only route to development is one that involves radical trade (and investment) liberalization. Fate of the Special Measures for Developing Countries Perhaps the best indicators of the marginal consideration given to developing countries in the WTO is the fate of the measures that were supposed to respond to the spe cial conditions of developing countries. There were three key agreements which promoters of the WTO claimed were specifically designed to meet the needs of the South: * The Special Ministerial Agreement approved in Marrakesh in April 1994, which decreed that special compensatory measures would be taken to counteract the negative effects of trade liberalization on the net food-importing developing countries; * The Agreement on Textiles and Clothing, which mandated that the system of quotas on developing country exports of textiles and garments to the North would be dismantled over ten years; * The Agreement on Agriculture, which, while "imperfect," nevertheless was said to promise greater market access to developing country agricultural products and begin the process of bringing down the high levels of state support and subsidization of EU and US agriculture, which was resulting in the dumping of massive quantities of grain on Third World markets. What happened to these measures? The Special Ministerial Decision taken at Marrakesh to provide assistance to "Net Food Importing Countries" to offset the reduction of subsidies that would make food imports more expensive for the "Net Food Importing Coun tries" has never been implemented. Though world crude prices more than doubled in 1995/96, the World Bank and the IMF scotched an idea of any offsetting aid by arguing that "the price increase was not due to the Agreement on Agriculture, and besides there was never any agreement anyway on who would be responsible for providing the assistance."(13) The Agreement on Textiles and Clothing committed the developed countries to bring under WTO discipline all textile and garment imports over four stages, ending on January 1, 2005. A key feature was supposed to be the lift ing of quotas on imports restricted under the Multifiber Agreement (MFA) and similar schemes which had been used to contain penetration of developed country markets by cheap clothing and textile imports from the Third Wor ld. Developed countries retained, however, the right to choose which product lines to liberalize when, so that they first brought mainly unrestricted products into the WTO discipline and postponed dealing with restricted products till much later. Thus, in the first phase, all restricted products continued to be under quota, as only items where imports were not considering threatening-like felt hats or yarn of carded fine animal hair--were included in the developed countries' notifications. Indeed, the notifications for the coverage of products for liberalization on January 1, 1998 showed that "even at the second stage of implementation only a very small proportion" of restricted p roducts would see their quotas lifted. (14) Given this trend, John Whalley notes that "the belief is now widely held in the developing world that in 2004, while the MFA may disappear, it may well be replaced by a series of other trade instruments, possibly substant ial increases in anti-dumping duties." (15) When it comes to the Agreement on Agriculture, which was sold to developing countries during the Uruguay Round as a major step toward providing market access to developing country imports and bringing down the high levels of domestic support for first world farming interests that results in dumping of commodities in third world markets, little gains in market access after five years into developed country markets have been accompanied by even higher levels of overall subsidization-through ingenious combinations of export subsidies, export credits, market support, and various kinds of direct income payments. The figures speak for themselves: the level of overall subsidization of agriculture in the OECD countries rose from $182 billion in 1995 when the WTO was born to $280 billion in 1997 to $362 billion in 1998! Instead of t he beginning of a New Deal, the AOA, in the words of a former Philippine Secretary of Trade, "has perpetuated the unevenness of a playing field which the multilateral trading system has been trying to correct. Moreover, t his has placed the burden of adjustment on developing countries relative to countries who can afford to maintain high levels of domestic support and export subsidies."(16) The collapse of the agricultural negotiations in Seattle is the best example of how extremely difficult it is to reform the AOA. The European Union opposed till the bitter end language in an agreement that would commit it to "significant reduction" of its subsidies. But the US was not blameless. It resolutely opposed any effort to cut back on its forms of subsidies such as export credits, direct income for farmers, and "emergency" farm ai d, as well as any mention of its practice of dumping products in developing country markets. Oligarchic Decision-Making as a Central, Defining Process Is the system of WTO decision-making reformable? While far more flexible than the WTO, the GATT was, of course, far from perfect, and one of the bad traits that the WTO took over from it was the system of decision-making . GATT functioned through a process called "consensus." Now consensus responded to the same problem that faced the IMF and the World Bank's developed country members: how to assure control at a time that the numbers gave the edge to the new countries of the South. In the Fund and the Bank, the system of decision-making evolved had the weight of a country's vote determined by the size of its capital subscriptions, which gave the US and th e other rich countries effective control of the two organizations. In the GATT, a one-country one-vote system was initially tried, but the big trading powers saw this as inimical to their interests. Thus, the last time a vote was taken in GATT was in 1959. (17) The system that finally em erged was described by US economist Bergsten as one that "does not work by voting. It works by a consensus arrangement which, to tell the truth, is managed by four- the Quads: the United States, Japan, European Union, and Canada."(18) He continued: "Those countries have to agree if any major steps are going to be made, that is true. But no votes. (19) Indeed, so undemocratic is the WTO that decisions are arrived at informally, via caucuses convoked in the corridors of the ministerials by the big trading powers. The formal plenary sessions, which in democracies are the central arena for decision- making, are reserved for speeches. The key agreements to come out of the first and second ministerials of the WTO-the decision to liberalize information technology trade taken at the first mini sterial in Singapore in 1996 and the agreement to liberalize trade in electronic commerce arrived at in Geneva in 1998-were all decided in informal backroom sessions and simply presented to the full assembly as faits acco mpli. Consensus simply functioned to render non-transparent a process where smaller, weaker countries were pressured, browbeaten, or bullied to conform to the "consensus" forged among major trading powers. With surprising frankness, at a press conference in Seattle, US Trade Representative Charlene Barshefsky, who played the pivotal role in all three ministerials, described the dynamics and consequences of this system of de cision-making: "The process, including even at Singapore as recently as three years ago, was a rather exclusionary one. All meetings were held between 20 and 30 keycountries... And that meant 100 countries, 100, were never in the room.. .[T]his led to an extraordinarily bad feeling that they were left our of the process and that the results even at Singapore had been dictated to them by the 25 or 30 privileged countries who were in the room."(20) Then, after registering her frustration at the WTO delegates' failing to arrive at consensus via supposedly broader "working groups" set up for the Seattle ministerial, Barshefsky warned delegates: "...[I] have made very clear and I reiterated to all ministers today that, if we are unable to achieve that goal, I fully reserve the right to also use a more exclusive process to achieve a final outcome. There is no question about either my ri ght as the chair to do it or my intention as the chair to do it...."(21) And she was serious about ramming through a declaration at the expense of non-representativeness, with India, one of the key developing country members of the WTO, being "routinely excluded from private talks organized by the United States in last ditch efforts to come up with a face-saving deal."(22) In damage-containment mode after the collapse of the Seattle Ministerial, Barshefsky, WTO Director General Mike Moore, and other rich country representatives have spoken about the need for WTO "reform." But none have decl ared any intention of pushing for a one-county/one-vote majority decision-making system or a voting system weighted by population size, which would be the only fair and legitimate methods in a democratic international org anization. The fact is, such mechanisms will never be adopted, for this would put the developing countries in a preponderant role in terms of decision-making. Should One Try to Reform a Jurassic Institution? Reform is a viable strategy when the system is question is fundamentally fair but has simply been corrupted such as the case with some democracies. It is not a viable strategy when a system is so fundamentally unequal in purposes, principles, and processes as the WTO. The WTO systematically protects and the trade and economic advantages of the rich countries, particularly the United States. It is based on a paradigm or philosophy that de nigrates the right to take activist measures to achieve development on the part of less developed countries, thus leading to a radical dilution of their right to "special and differential treatment." The WTO raises inequa lity into a principle of decision-making. The WTO is often promoted as a "rules-based" trading framework that protects the weaker and poorer countries from unilateral actions by the stronger states. The opposite is true: the WTO, like many other multilateral int ernational agreements, is meant to instututionalize and legtimize inequality. Its main purpose is to reduce the tremendous policing costs to the stronger powers that would be involved in disciplining many small countries in a more fluid, less structured international system. It is not surprising that both the WTO and the IMF are currently mired in a severe crisis of legitimacy. For both are highly centralized, highly unaccountable, highly non-transparent global institutions that seek to subju gate, control, or harness vast swathes of global economic, social, political, and environmental processes to the needs and interests of a global minority of states, elites, and TNCs. The dynamics of such institutions clash with the burgeoning democratic aspirations of peoples, countries, and communities in both the North and the South. The centralizing dynamics of these institutions clash with the eff orts of communities and nations to regain control of their fate and achieve a modicum of security by deconcentrating and decentralizing economic and political power. In other words, these are Jurassic institutions in an a ge of participatory political and economic democracy. Building a More Pluralistic System of International Trade Governance If there is one thing that is clear, it is that developing country governments and international civil society must not allow their energies to be hijacked into reforming these institutions. This will only amount to admi nistering a facelift to fundamentally flawed institutions. Indeed, today's need is not another centralized global institution, reformed or unreformed, but the deconcentration and decentralization of institutional power a nd the creation of a pluralistic system of institutions and organizations interacting with one another amidst broadly defined and flexible agreements and understandings. It was under such a more pluralistic global system, where hegemonic power was still far form institutionalized in a set of all encompassing and powerful multilateral organizations that the Latin American countries and man y Asian countries were able to achieve a modicum of industrial development in the period from 1950-70. It was under a more pluralistic world system, under a GATT that was limited in its power, flexible, and more sympathet ic to the special status of developing countries, that the East and Southeast Asian countries were able to become newly industrializing countries through activist state trade and industrial policies that departed signific antly from the free-market biases enshrined in the WTO. The alternative to a powerful WTO is not a Hobbesian state of nature. It is always the powerful that have stoked this fear. The reality of international economic relations in a world marked by a multiplicity of internatio nal and regional institutions that check one another is a far cry from the propaganda image of a "nasty" and "brutish" world. Of course, the threat of unilateral action by the powerful is ever present in such a system, bu t it is one that even the powerful hesitate to take for fear of its consequences on their legitimacy as well as the reaction it would provoke in the form of opposing coalitions. In other words, what developing countries and international civil society should aim at is not to reform the WTO but, through a combination of passive and active measures, to radically reduce its power and to make it simp ly another international institution coexisting with and being checked by other international organizations, agreements, and regional groupings. These would include such diverse actors and institutions as UNCTAD, multilat eral environmental agreements, the International Labor Organization (ILO), evolving trade blocs such as Mercosur in Latin America, SAARC in South Asia, SADCC in Southern Africa, and ASEAN in Southeast Asia. It is in such a more fluid, less structured, more pluralistic world with multiple checks and balances that the nations and communities of the South will be able to carve out the space to develop based on their values, their rhythms, an d the strategies of their choice. *Walden Bello, PhD, is executive director of Focus on the Global South and professor of sociology and public administration at the University of the Philippines. He attended all three WTO ministerials as an NGO delegate. He is the author of several works on the WTO including Iron Cage: The WTO, the Bretton Woods Institutions, and the Third World (Bangkok: Focus on the Global South, 1999). 1. Press briefing, Seattle, 2 December 1999. 2. Quoted in "Deadline Set for WTO Reforms," Guardian News Service, Jan. 10, 2000. 3. Figures from World Trade Organization, Annual Report 1998: International Trade Statistics (Geneva: WTO, 1998), p. 12. 4. Quoted in "Cakes and Caviar: The Dunkel Draft and Third World Agriculture," Ecologist, Vol. 23, No. 6 (Nov-Dec. 1993), p. 220. 5. C. Fred Bergsten, Director, Institute for International Economics, Testimony before US Senate, Washington, DC, Oct. 13, 1994. 6. UNCTAD, Trade and Development Report 1991 (New York: United Nations, 1991), p. 191. 7. See discussion of this in Walden Bello and Stephanie Rosenfeld, Dragons in Distress: Asia's Miracle Economies in Crisis (San Francisco: Institute for Food and Development Policy, 1990), p. 161. 8. Quoted in John Whalley, "Special and Differential Treatment in the Millennium Round," CSGR Working Paper, No. 30/99 (May 1999), p 3. 9. Ibid., p. 4. 10. Ibid., p. 7. 11. Ibid., p. 10. 12. Ibid., p. 14. 13. "More Power to the World Trade Organization?", Panos Briefing, Nov. 1999, p. 14. 14. South Center, The Multilateral Trade Agenda and the South (Geneva: South Center, 1998), p. 32. 15. John Whalley, Building Poor Countries' Trading Capacity CSGR Working Paper Series (Warwick: CSGR, March 1999) 16. Secretary of Trade Cesar Bautista, Address to 2nd WTO Ministerial, Geneva, May 18, 1998. 17. C. Fred Bergsten, Director, Institute for International Economics, Testimony before the US Senate, Washington, DC, Oct. 13, 1994. 18. Ibid. 19. Ibid. 20. Press briefing, Seattle, Washington, Dec. 2, 1999 21. Ibid. 22. "Deadline Set for WTO Reforms," Guardian News Service, 10 January 2000 ************************************************* Jurassic Fund: Should Developing Countries Push to Decommission the IMF? by Walden Bello* (This is an expanded version of the author's column in the Far Eastern Economic Review on Dec. 6, 1999.) When the International Monetary Fund, in a surprise announcement at the World Bank-IMF annual meeting at the end of September 1999, announced that henceforth it would put "poverty reduction" at the center of its approach toward developing countries, there was widespread speculation among Washington watchers that Michel Camdessus's days as Managing Director were numbered. Indeed, Camdessus resigned in mid-November 1999, shortly after Larry Summers, the new US Secretary of the Treasury and one of Camdessus biggest backers, told the US Congress that henceforth, the US would support a "new fr amework for providing international assistance to [developing] countries-one that moves beyond a closed IMF-centered process that has too often focused on narrow macroeconomic objectives at the expense of broader human de velopment." (1) The Frenchman's 13-year reign had been identified with a paradigm of development that he fervently believed in: structural adjustment. In the two decades since 1980, structural adjustment programs (SAPs) were imposed joi ntly by the World Bank and the IMF on close to 90 developing countries, from Guyana to Ghana. Despite important differences among the various economies, SAPs had the same basic elements: long term "structural" reforms to deregulate the economy, liberalize trade and investment, and privatize state enterprises, coupled with short-term stabilization measures like cutbacks in government expenditures, high interest rates, and currency devalua tion. SAPs multiplied during the Third World debt crisis of the early 1980s, and an important reason was strong pressure from the Bank and IMF on governments to restructure their economies along lines designed to yield the fina ncial resources to pay off their massive debts to the international commercial banks. But the objective of SAPs went beyond debt repayment or the attainment of short-term macroeconomic stability. The Bank and the Fund s ought nothing less than the dismantling of protectionism and other policies of state-assisted capitalism that IMF and World Bank theorists judged to be the main obstacles to sustained growth and development. When the socialist economies of Eastern Europe and Russia collapsed in the early 1990's, structural adjustment was also extended to that part of the world, and in a manner that was even more radical than in the South-a pr ocess that Harvard's Jeffrey Sachs, then one of its vocal proponents, appropriately labelled "shock therapy." IMF technocrats went to these countries with even more dogmatic confidence in their one true model than the Ma rxist bureaucrats they supplanted had in theirs. By the early 1990's, shock therapy and structural adjustment had become cornerstones of what economist John Williamson called "the Washington Consensus" on the desired mac roeconomic framework that would create a truly global economy fuelled by market forces. Retreat Two decades after the first structural adjustment loan, the Bank has formally abandoned structural adjustment, replacing it with the "Comprehensive Development Framework." The new paradigm, according to a statement of th e Group of Seven Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors, (2) has the following elements: * "increased and more effective fiscal expenditures for poverty reduction with better targeting of budgetary resources, especially on social priorities in basic education and health; * "enhanced transparency, including monitoring and quality control over fiscal expenditures; * "stronger country ownership of the reform and poverty reduction process and programs, involving public participation; * "stronger monitorable performance indicators for follow-through on poverty reduction; and * "ensuring macroeconomic stability and sustainability, and reducing barriers to access by the poor to the benefits of growth." What brought about the 180 degree turn? Failure. Spectacular failure that could no longer be denied at the pain of totally losing institutional credibility. The World Bank-or rather James Wolfensohn, President Bill Clinton's nominee to head the Bank in 1993--was the first to recognize that something was amiss. Coming from outside orthodox development circles, Wolfensohn sens ed what most World Bank officials did not want to acknowledge: that with over a 100 countries under adjustment for over a decade, it was strange that the Bank and the Fund found it hard to point to even a handful of succ ess stories. In most cases, as Rudiger Dornbusch of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology put it, structural adjustment caused economies to "fall into a hole," (3) wherein low investment, reduced social spending, red uced consumption, and low output interacted to create a vicious cycle of decline and stagnation, rather an a virtuous circle of growth, rising employment, and rising investment, as originally envisaged by World Bank-IMF t heory. With much resistance from the Bank's entrenched bureaucracy, Wolfensohn moved to slowly distance the Bank from hard-line adjustment policies and even got some of his staff to (grudgingly) work with civil society groups to assess SAPs in the so-called "Structural Adjustment Review Initiative" (SAPRI). For the most part, however, the change of attitude did not translate to changes at the operational level owing to the strong internalizatio n of the structural adjustment approach among Bank operatives. While self-doubt began to engulf the Bank, the IMF, in contrast, plowed confidently on, and the lack of evidence of success was interpreted to mean simply that a government lacked political will to push adjustment. Throu gh the establishment of the Extended Structural Adjustment Facility (ESAF), the Fund sought to fund countries over a longer period in order to more fully institutionalize the desired free-market reforms and make them perm anent. The Philippine Case The Philippines', together with Turkey and Costa Rica, was one of the guinea pigs of structural adjustment. Its experience under adjustment was representative of the Third World experience. Between 1980 and 1999, the Ph ilippines became the recipient of nine structural adjustment loans from the World Bank, and participated in three standby programs, two extended fund programs, and one precautionary standby arrangement with the IMF. (4) T he country, in short, was in continuous adjustment for nearly 20 years, its macroeconomic policies being micromanaged by the Bretton Woods twins. The first phase of adjustment, which focused on trade liberalization, saw quantitative restrictions removed on more than 900 items, while the nominal average tariff protection was brought down from 43 per cent in 1981 to 28 per cent in 1985. But the program failed to factor in the onset of a global recession, so that instead of rising, exports fell, while imports coming in to take advantage of the liberalized regime severely eroded the h ome industries. As the late economist Charles Lindsay noted, "Whatever the merits of the SAL, its timing was deplorable." (5) Instead of allowing the government to set in motion countercyclical mechanisms to arrest the d ecline of private sector activity, the structural adjustment framework intensified the crisis with its policy of high interest rates and tight government budgets. Not surprisingly, the GNP shrank precipitously two years in a row, contributing to the political crisis that resulted in the ouster of Ferdinand Marcos in February 1986. Under Corazon Aquino the second phase of adjustment saw economic recovery subordinated to the repayment of the foreign debt of the country's $26 billion foreign debt. This was achieved via fiscal austerity and more inten sified export of natural resources and export-oriented production. A financial hemorrhage ensued, with the net transfer of financial resources coming to a negative $1.3 billion a year on average between 1986 and 1981, ac cording to the Freedom from Debt Coalition.(6) To service the debt, the Aquino administration was forced to borrow heavily from domestic financial sources, forcing it to channel much of its budgetary expenditures from development and social spending to meeting both do mestic and foreign debt obligations. By 1987, some 50 per cent of the budget was going to service the national debt.(7) Not surprisingly, this "model debtor" via structural adjustment institutionalized stagnation, with the country registering zero average GNP growth between 1983 and 1993. Stagnation led to a worsening of social conditions , with families living under the poverty line coming to 46.5 per cent of all families in 1991 and the share of the national income going to the lowest 20 per cent of families dropping from 5.2 per cent in 1985 to 4.7 in 1 991.(8) The Philippines also provided one of the best documented studies of the correlation between environmental destruction and structural adjustment, with a World Resources Institute study concluding that adjustment "c reated so unemployment that migration patterns changed drastically. The large migration flows to Manila declined, and most migrants could only turn to open access forests, watersheds, and artisanal fisheries. Thus the m ajor environmental effect of the economic crisis was overexploitation of these vulnerable resources."(9) When the Ramos administration took over in 1992, the focus of adjustment shifted back to accelerated privatization, deregulation, and liberalization of trade, investment, and finance. Petron and several government enterp rises and services passed to the private sector; a substantially free trade regime was targeted for 2004, when tariff rates would be reduced to a uniform five per cent or less for all products; and nationality restriction s on foreign investment were relaxed considerably. Capital account liberalization, an IMF prescription, resulted in massive inflows of speculative capital into the financial and real estate sector, triggering an artifici al boom in Manila. But the liberalized capital account also became the wide highway through which billions of dollars exited in 1997 and 1998, at the onset of the Asian financial crisis, bringing the GDP growth rate to b elow zero in 1998. (10) Adjusted and readjusted for nearly 20 years, Manila simply could not climb out of a deepening hole. Crisis of Legitimacy It was the Asian financial crisis that finally forced the IMF to confront reality. In 1997-98 the Fund moved with grand assurance into Thailand, Indonesia, and Korea, with its classic formula of short-term fiscal and mo netary policy cum structural reform in the direction of liberalization, deregulation, and privatization. This was the price exacted from their governments for IMF financial rescue packages that would allow them to repay the massive debt incurred by their private sectors. But the result was to turn a conjunctural crisis into a deep recession, as government's capacity to counteract the drop in private sector activity, was destroyed by bud getary and monetary repression. (11) If some recovery is now discernible in a few economies, this is widely recognized as coming in spite of rather than because of the IMF. For a world that had long been resentful of the Fund's arrogance, this was the last straw. In 1998-99, criticism of the IMF rose to a crescendo and went beyond its stubborn adherence to structural adjustment and its serv ing as a bailout mechanism for international finance capital to encompass accusations of its being non-transparent and non-accountable. Its vulnerable position was exposed during the recent debate in the US Congress over a G-7 initiative to provide debt relief to 40 poor countries. Legislators depicted the IMF as the agency that caused the debt crisis of the poor countries in the first place, and some called for its abolition within thr ee years. Said Rep. Maxine Walters: "Do we have to have the IMF involved at all? Because, as we have painfully discovered, the way the IMF works causes children to starve." (12) In the face of such criticism from legislators in the IMF's most powerful member, US Treasury Secretary Larry Summers claimed that the IMF-centered process would be replaced by "a new, more open and inclusive process that would involve multiple international organizations and give national policymakers and civil society groups a more central role." (13). But is this for Real? So structural adjustment is dead, and the Bretton Woods institutions have seen the light. But wait, isn't there something too easy about all this? The fact is, in the case of the IMF, as well as that of the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank (ADB), jettisoning the paradigm of structural adjustment has left them adrift, in the view of many critics, with just t he rhetoric and broad goals of reducing poverty, but without an innovative macroeconomic approach. Wolfensohn and his ex-chief economist Joseph Stiglitz talk about "bringing together" the "macroeconomic" and "social" asp ects of development, but Bank officials cannot point to a larger strategy beyond increasing lending to health, population, nutrition, education, and social protection to 25 per cent of the Bank's total lending. The ADB i s even more of a newcomer in the anti-poverty approach, and its strategy paper issued this year is long on laudable goals but even ADB insiders agree, breaks no new ground in terms of macroeconomic innovation. Most at se a are IMF economists, some of whom openly admitted to NGO representatives at the September IMF-World Bank meeting that so far the new approach was limited to relabeling the Extended Structural Adjustment Fund (ESAF) the " Poverty Reduction Facility, and that they were looking to the World Bank to provide leadership. (14) It is not surprising that, in these circumstances, the old framework would reassert itself, with, for example, the IMF telling the Thai government, already its most obedient pupil, to cut its fiscal deficit despite a very fragile recovery; the Fund's pushing Indonesia to open its retail trade to foreign investors, despite the consequences in terms of higher unemployment; and technocrats of the ADB making energy loans and Miyazawa funding contingent on the Philippine government's accelerating the IMF-promoted privatization of the National Power Corporation, despite the fact that consumers are likely to end up paying more to the seven private monopolies tha t will succeed the state enterprise. "It's the old approach of deregulation, privatization, and liberalization but with safety nets" is the not inappropriate description of one Filipino labor leader much consulted by the multilateral institutions. (15) Then, there is the issue of accountability. One cannot just walk away from the scene of the crime without admitting wrongdoing. The Bank and the Fund have been responsible for tremendous economic and social damage wroug ht on Third World economies for over two decades. Shouldn't they be held to account for that? Should not Camdessus and the whole top leadership of the IMF, including his deputy Stanley Fischer and Asia-Pacific division chief Hubert Neiss, who blindly embraced adjustment to the end, take responsibility for their massive blunders? Despite their announced resignations, both Camdessus and Neiss are unrepentant when it comes to their polici es. Many of the Fund's long-time critics have a darker view of things. To them, Camdessus served as a sacrificial lamb to blunt real efforts at reform at a time that the Fund "desperately needs" credibility and legitimacy, a s the Financial Times put it. (16) This fear is well-grounded, for in his most recent statements, Larry Summers, the pivotal figure when it comes to the future of the IMF, appears to have forgotten about the need for a pa radigm shift. When speaking about the elements of a "new" IMF strategy, Summers says that the "approach looks to the IMF to continue to certify that a country's macro-economic policies are satisfactory before debt is rel ieved of new concessional lending is advanced." (17) is this what is meant by "moving away from an IMF-centered process that has too often focused on narrow macroeconomic objectives at the expense of broader human develop ment"? (18) Bearing in mind that trade liberalization was one of the most controversial dimensions of the old structural adjustment approach, even more revealing is Summers' view that the new IMF must have as one of its priorities "s trong support for market opening and trade liberalization."(19) Trade liberalization, Summers continues, "is often a key component of IMF arrangements. In the course of negotiations, the IMF has sought continued complian ce with existing trade obligations and further commitments to market opening measures as part of a strategy for spurring growth. For example: As part of its IMF program, Indonesia has abolished import monopolies for soybeans and wheat; agreed to phase out all non-tariff barriers affecting imports; dissolved all cartels for plywood, cement and paper ; removed restrictions on foreign investment in the wholesale and resale trades; and allowed foreign banks to buy domestic ones. Zambia's 1999 program with the IMF commits the government to reducing the weighted average tariff on foreign goods to 10 per cent, and to cutting the maximum tariff from 25 per cent to 20 per cent by 2001. In July, the import ban on wheat flour was eliminated." (20) Calling this a "new approach" is, let us face it, stretching the truth. Radical Reform or Decommissioning? Now what would a real process of transformation look like? It would be something that would include more than the open selection process for the new managing director-one that would open the recruitment process to non-Eu ropeans -endorsed by Jeffrey Sachs. (21) For the problem lies in the very structure and culture of the institution: a lack of accountability except to the US Treasury Department; a belief in non-transparency as a conditio n for effectiveness; and a deeply ingrained elitism that renders the bureaucracy incapable of learning from outsiders. If this is the heart of the matter, then surgery must be more radical. I would propose the following measures: * First, so embedded is the old adjustment framework in current programs that a clean break with the past can only take place not just with a renaming but with the immediate dismantling of all structural adjustment progra ms in the Third World and the ex-socialist world and the IMF adjustment programs imposed on Indonesia, Thailand, and Korea following the Asian financial crisis. * Second, immediate reduction of the IMF professional staff from over 1000 to 200, and major cuts in both capital expenditures and operational expenses of the agency. Most of the Fund's economists are today employed in m icromanaging adjustment programs and would definitely cease to be necessary if, as the G-7 Finance Ministers and Central Bank governors suggest, developing countries be given more authority in formulating and implementing their poverty reduction programs; and if, as Jeffrey Sachs advises, the Fund's main work is limited to monitoring world capital markets and the world's monetary system. (22) * Third and most important is the creation of a Global Commission on the Future of the IMF to decide if the Fund is to be reformed along the lines suggested by Sachs and others or, to borrow a phrase applied to ageing nuc lear plants, it is to be decommissioned, which this author favours. Half of the members of such a body should come from civil society organizations since it is these groups that were instrumental in bringing to light the destructive impact of adjustment programs and are now engaged in many of the most innovative experiments in grassroots social development. Energy from below and decentralized operations are the trademarks of so many su ccessful organizations that the top-down centralized IMF looks positively Jurassic. With its credibility and legitimacy in tatters, the Fund is in severe crisis. Unless international civil society intervenes, and intervenes forcefully now, the powers that be will wait for the storm to blow over while ta lking, as Larry Summers does, about reform. Radical reform or decommissioning? That is the question of the hour around which we must frame our strategies for intervention. *Dr. Walden Bello is professor of sociology and public administration at the University of the Philippines and executive director of Focus on the Global South, a program of research, analysis, and advocacy of the Chulalon gkorn University Social Research Institute based in Bangkok. He is the author or co-author of 10 books and numerous articles on Asian economic and political issues, including A Siamese Tragedy: Development and Disintegra tion in Modern Thailand (London: Zed, 1998), Dark Victory: the US, Structural Adjustment, and Global Poverty (San Francisco: Food First, 1994), and Dragons in Distress: Asia's Miracle Economies in Crisis (London: Penguin, 1991). 1. Op-ed piece in Washington Post, reproduced in Today (Manila), Nov 15, 1999. 2. Communiqu?, Sept. 25, 1999. 3. Rudiger Dornbusch, quoted in Jacques Polak, "The Changing Nature of IMF Conditionality," Essays in International Finance, Princeton University, No. 184 (Sept. 1991), p. 47. 4. Data from Freedom from Debt Coalition (Philippines). 5. Charles Lindsey, "the Political Economy of Economic Policy Reform in the Philippines: Continuity and Restoration," in Andrew MacIntyre and Kanishka Jayasuriya, eds., The Dynamics of Economic Policy Reform in Southeast Asia and the Southwest Pacific (Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1992). 6. Freedom from Debt Coalition, "Revisiting Philippine Debt," Paper presented at the National Debt Conference, Innotech, Commonwealth Avenue, Oct. 9-10, 1997. 7. Freedom from Debt Coalition, Primer on Philippine Debt (Quezon City: FDC, 1997). 8. Leonor Briones and Jenina Joy Chavez-Malaluan, "New Social and Political Challenges within the Framework of the Structural Adjustment Process in Southeast Asia (with Focus on the Philippines): Effects on New Population Trends and Quality of Life," Paper prepared for the Population and Quality of Life Independent Commission, Manila, May 1994, unpublished. 9. Wifredo Cruz and Robert Repetto, The Envrionmental Effects of Stabilization and Structural Adjustment (Washington, DC: World Resources Institute, 1992), p. 48. 10. See Walden Bello, Addicted to Capital: the Ten-Year High and Present-Day Withdrawal Trauma of Southeast Asia's Economies (Bangkok: Focus on the Global South, 1997). 11. See Nicola Bullard, Walden Bello, and Kamal Malhotra, Taming the Tigers: The IMF and the Asian Crisis (Bangkok: Focus on the Global South, 1998). 12. Quoted in AP, reproduced in Business World, Nov. 15, 1999. 13. Op-ed, Washington Post, reproduced in Today, Nov. 15, 1999. 14. Personal communication, Ted Van Hees of Eurodad, New York, Nov. 1, 1999. 15. Comment of Luis Corral, political affairs director of TUCP, Nov. 6, 1999. 16. "The IMF's New Leader," Financial Times, Nov. 18, 1999, p. 16. 17. Treasury Secretary Larry Summers, "the Right Kind of IMF for a Stable Global Financial System," Remarks to the London School of Business, London, England, Dec. 14, 1999. 18. Op-ed piece in Washington Post, reproduced in Today, Nov. 15, 1999. 19. Treasury Secretary Larry Summers, Testimony before the US Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Washington, DC, Nov. 5, 1999. 20. Ibid. 21. Jeffrey Sachs, "Time to End the Backroom Poker Game," Financial Times, Nov. 15, 1999. 22. Ibid. Focus on the Global South (FOCUS) c/o CUSRI, Chulalongkorn University Bangkok 10330 THAILAND Tel: 662 218 7363/7364/7365 Fax: 662 255 9976 E-mail: admin@focusweb.org Web Page http://www.focusweb.org From rob@essential.org Fri, 4 Feb 2000 04:38:39 -0500 (EST) Date: Fri, 4 Feb 2000 04:38:39 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] Jubilee 2000 Mobilization April 9 (fwd) Jubilee 2000 USA is organizing a major event in Washington, DC for April 9 on debt cancellation. This will informally kick off a week of action in DC on debt, structural adjustment and the IMF/World Bank. Robert Weissman Essential Information=09=09=09| Internet:=09rob@essential.org Stand Up and Be Counted! We need you to come to Washington and join the JUBILEE 2000 NATIONAL MOBILIZATION Sunday April 9, 2000 Washington, D.C. Citizen action groups, students, people of faith, and all who care about justice for impoverished countries in Africa, Latin America and Asia will gather on the Mall in Washington and make their voices heard. There will be morning religious services for those interested, followed by music starting at 12:00 noon, a program of speakers starting at 12:30, plus a Human Chain later in the day. Come to hear some nationally-known speakers and entertainers (list TBA). Be part of a massive, public witness -- =3D=3D>Demand that the World Bank, the IMF, and the U.S. Congress ACT NOW f= or debt cancellation for the world's poorest countries! Stay for the Monday Lobby Day -- Meet with your representative and senators and request their commitment to debt cancellation. Sponsored by the Jubilee 2000/USA campaign, a coalition of national environmental, religious, and social justice groups calling for lifting the crushing burden of debt, through fair and accountable process, by the end o= f the year 2000. [see list of sponsoring organizations at http://www.j2000usa.org/campaign/members.html. The AFLCIO supports the Jubilee 2000 campaign...and this mobilization!] For more information contact Jubilee 2000/USA at 222 East Capitol Street, N.E., Washington, D.C., 20003 tel. (202)783-3566 email: april9j2k@yahoo.com www.j2000usa.org Check the website for up-to-date action alerts! =3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D What's the goal of this mobilization? We intend to influence national and international policy and decision makers. And we call on the U.S. public to pressure Congress and the Administration to cancel the crushing international debt of impoverished countries. Proclaim Jubilee! Cancel the debt NOW! International debt condemns hundreds of millions of people to live in poverty. Debt undermines dignity and self-determination. Debt diverts resources from basic needs such as education, nutrition, health, clean water, and sanitation. Debt leads to destruction of the environment. Debt creates political, social and economic instability throughout the world. We, here in the United States, must stand in solidarity and be counted with the children, women and men who are victims of the unjust debt. In Accra an= d Birmingham (UK), in Tegucigalpa, Manila, Cologne, Johannesburg and hundreds of other communities, and now in Washington, DC, ordinary people are standing with the poor of Africa, Latin America and Asia. People in indebted countries are committed to use resources freed up by debt cancellation to reduce poverty through their own efforts. The spirit of th= e Jubilee movement calls forth new relations with neighbors, nations and the environment. We call on our government to act in this Jubilee Year to cancel the crushin= g international debt of the world's impoverished countries. =3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D How has this campaign managed to push the issue of debt onto the radar screens of policy makers? One way is by putting people on the street! Let=92s look at the ways people have taken a stand around the globe: May, 1998 =96 70,000 people jam the streets of Birmingham, England, forming= a Human Chain 6 miles long, to say DROP THE DEBT. June 1999 =96 40,000 people link up on the streets of Cologne Germany to demand justice for indebted nations November, 1999 =96 30,000 people form a non-violent Human Chain in Seattle, Washington to demand action to lift the burden of debt. Like the Birmingha= m and Cologne events, this Chain involved thousands of members of local congregations In indebted countries there have also been large scale actions: November, 1998 =96 2,000,000 Peruvians sign the Jubilee 2000 petition in a space of five months, contributing to a total of over 17 million signatures worldwide June, 1999 -- 2,000 people formed a Human Chain in Dhaka, Bangladesh to cal= l for debt cancellation October, 1999 =96 over 1 million people across Latin America take part in t= he Shout of the Excluded, to call attention to burden of debt and injustice Now it=92s our turn to take a public, peaceful stand! Stand up and be counted in Washington DC, April 9, 2000! Bring at least five friends =96 if 5,000 people bring five friends that add= s up to 30,000 total! What will it be like? The event will educational and inspiring. It will be peaceful, legal and non-violent. It will give you the boost you need to keep working on this and other issues of global economic justice. It will be a vital contribution to the global movement to lift the burden of debt and demand economic justice. Come to Washington because: =96 you will be moved, inspired, enlightened. You=92ll leave with tired fe= et, but it will all be worth it! =96 you will hear speeches by leaders of the Jubilee 2000 movement in the United States and around the world =96 you will meet people from across the US who are involved in campaign wo= rk for this issue =96 you will gain ideas on how to integrate this campaign into the life of your group =96 you will learn about an issue that affects a billion people in Africa, Asia and Latin America =96 you will hear inspiring music about the campaign From rob@essential.org Fri, 4 Feb 2000 04:44:54 -0500 (EST) Date: Fri, 4 Feb 2000 04:44:54 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] IMF talks in Kenya over aid >From the BBC: Monday, 24 January, 2000, 12:45 GMT Kenya IMF talks on aid resumption A team of IMF officials is in Kenya for talks which the government hopes will lead to the resumption of aid. Lending was suspended more than two years ago, after reports of official corruption. The IMF team will meet finance ministry and central bank officials to follow-up on talks held in Washington last year. Kenyan officials said the mission would be followed by another visit in March, to begin working on the details of a possible new loan deal. The IMF has already welcomed government attempts to reform the civil service and improve accountability. From the newsroom of the BBC World Service From rob@essential.org Fri, 4 Feb 2000 04:51:05 -0500 (EST) Date: Fri, 4 Feb 2000 04:51:05 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] Excellent video on IMF and World Bank policies (fwd) EDUCATIONAL FILM TO ORGANIZE AGAINST THE WORLD BANK AND IMF Dear friends, I am pleased to announce an updated version of the acclaimed 30 minute documentary by Liz Canner entitled, "Deadly Embrace: Nicaragua, the World Bank and the IMF." This documentary provides first hand accounts from Nicaraguan farmers and citizens of how the IMF and World Bank Structural Adjustment policies have threatened the stability of the Nicaraguan economy and endangered the lives of citizens. It also includes interviews with IMF and World Bank employees claiming that structural adjustment policies help developing nations. A great tool to understand and see how structural adjustment policies effect the countries they are implemented in. We are asking you to screen this video to groups or at meetings you have in your community about globalization, the debt, The World Bank and IMF. It makes a good introductory tool to first, educate, and second, to stimulate further discussion and questioning of the World Bank and IMF policies. Also please spread the word by including this video in your newsletters or resource guides. "Deadly Embrace," is available for $30. A 51 page informational and educational guide is also available for $6. Postage and Handling is $5. If you would like to order please send your mailing address, phone number and a check to: Liz Canner 164 Hudson St. Somerville, MA 02144 To learn more about "Deadly Embrace," or if you have further inquiries, please contact, Marisa Vitale 617 666-5122 marisav1@hotmail.com From rob@essential.org Fri, 4 Feb 2000 04:53:08 -0500 (EST) Date: Fri, 4 Feb 2000 04:53:08 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] IMF-WORLD BANK MEETING IS TARGET - The Washington Post (fwd) The Washington Post =09=09=09=09Wednesday, January 26, 2000 Protesters At WTO Plan D.C. Follow-Up: =20 IMF-WORLD BANK MEETING IS TARGET =09By John Burgess =09Activist groups that paralyzed downtown Seattle during the=20 World Trade Organization conference late last year plan to=20 converge on Washington in April to protest a joint meeting of the=20 World Bank and International Monetary Fund--with some groups=20 pledging to =93shut down=94 the gathering with civil disobedience. =09More than 60 organizers met last week in Washington to map=20 out a week of political events aimed at keeping alive what they call=20 =93the spirit of Seattle.=94 They variously plan to lobby in Congress,=20 hold educational forums, stage peaceful demonstrations and=20 physically block the meeting, organizers said. =09The groups view the IMF and World Bank, both based in=20 Washington, as key institutions for an unjust global economic order=20 that enriches some people and impoverishes others. The meetings=20 have traditionally drawn protesters, but in smaller numbers than=20 predicted for the one on April 16. =09Many demonstrators will also use the occasion to fight the=20 Clinton administration=92s efforts to persuade Congress to grant=20 China normal trade relations. =09=93There=92s tons of interest,=94 said Juliette Beck, economic rights=20 coordinator for Global Exchange, a San Francisco activist group. =93=20 =2E . . We are shooting for a gathering of many thousands of people.=94=20 Her group, she said, would attempt to =93shut down=94 the meeting by=20 nonviolent means, with members willing to be arrested. =09D.C. police said they were aware of the plans and had put=20 together a team to prepare. =93We anticipate that our city will not be=20 shut down,=94 said Terrance W. Gainer, executive assistant chief of=20 the department. =93 . . . We=92ll be in good shape.=94 Police Chief Charles= =20 H. Ramsey recently attended an FBI seminar on lessons of the=20 Seattle disorders, Gainer added. =09Organizers have been flying around the country to drum up=20 support. Planners expect that =93spirit of Seattle=94 caravans will cross= =20 the country from Seattle and the San Francisco Bay area, up the=20 East Coast and down it. =09On the morning of Nov. 30, armies of demonstrators linked=20 arms to block access to the Seattle convention center where WTO=20 delegates were to try to start a new round of global trade talks.=20 Opening ceremonies were canceled, and cabinet ministers were=20 trapped in their hotels. While most of the demonstrators were=20 peaceful, a few vandals broke store windows, and chaos and tear=20 gas reigned into the night. Three days later, the meeting broke up in=20 failure, and the demonstrators claimed much of the credit. =09The Seattle police force initially did little to interfere, its city=20 government viewing civil disobedience as a legitimate form of=20 political expression. Their loss of control of a large sector of=20 downtown led to investigations and political invective; D.C. police=20 flew to Seattle in the closing days of the unrest to observe and=20 learn, Gainer said. =09For groups on the streets, =93Seattle is the =91Big Bang=92 of activism= =20 for the global economy that has now turned on so many people to=20 the reality of what=92s happening,=94 Beck said. In recent weeks,=20 electronic mail has been flying back and forth to organize a follow- up in Washington. =09=93It=92s not a top-down kind of thing,=94 said Soren Ambrose, policy=20 analyst for 50 Years Is Enough, which was founded in 1994 on the=20 half-century anniversary of the IMF and World Bank and is now=20 coordinating the planning. =93It=92s a kind of chaos, with a center, and=20 we are the center.=94 =09Many of the groups prominent in Seattle were present at the=20 organizing meeting in a room at the University of the District of=20 Columbia last week: the Ruckus Society, Global Exchange, Direct=20 Action Network and Public Citizen=92s Global Trade Watch,=20 according to 50 Years Is Enough. Organizers have had initial talks=20 with labor groups about getting them involved. =09Global Trade Watch deputy director Mike Dolan, who spent=20 months organizing the Seattle demonstrations, predicted that the=20 turnout here would be smaller, because the events are being=20 organized on much shorter notice. =09Organizers said no one at their meetings was talking of=20 engaging in the kind of violence against property caused in Seattle.=20 Dolan said the group that caused the damage in Seattle was from=20 Oregon and is not represented on the East Coast. =09Jubilee 2000/USA, part of a worldwide movement pressing for=20 lending institutions such as the World Bank and IMF to forgive the=20 debt of the poorest countries, has for months been planning a=20 peaceful human-chain event for April 9, the Sunday before the=20 meeting. In recent weeks, however, the other groups have begun=20 talking of doing their own events. =09IMF spokesman Bill Murray declined to discuss security=20 arrangements for the April 16 meeting of the IMF and World Bank,=20 which will draw delegates from many of the sister organizations=92=20 member countries. But =93given what happened in Seattle, we have to=20 be sensitive to security concerns,=94 he said. =09He said the IMF had been trying to build cooperative relations=20 with the activist groups, and he noted that the Fund is moving=20 forward with plans to forgive some of its loans to the poorest=20 countries. =09Caroline Anstey, a World Bank spokesman, offered similar=20 views: =93Maybe the dialogue is going to be in the streets. I think it=20 would be better if it were around tables discussing how we can=20 reach solutions to these problems.=94 From rob@essential.org Fri, 4 Feb 2000 04:55:19 -0500 (EST) Date: Fri, 4 Feb 2000 04:55:19 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] More structural adjustment criticism from Stiglitz World Bank Dissenter Sticks to His Guns On Eve of Davos Forum, Departing Official Chides Russia and IMF By Alan Friedman International Herald Tribune, 126/00 ROME - The outgoing chief economist of the World Bank has not relented from his criticism of the international financial community, which he accuses of excluding poor countries from the decision-making process. The economist, Joseph Stiglitz, also restated his disapproval of Russia's privatization program, saying the system encourages ''asset stripping'' that has seen ''billions and billions of dollars'' taken out of the country. Mr. Stiglitz, who announced his resignation unexpectedly late last year after a string of public statements at odds with both the International Monetary Fund and the economic policies of the Clinton administration, spoke by telephone to the International Herald Tribune as he was preparing to attend the annual meetings of the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland. The Davos gathering, scheduled to begin Thursday, is to be his last public appearance as a World Bank official before leaving his post Feb. 1. The world's poor countries, Mr. Stiglitz said, are being denied a seat at the table where key international economic decisions are made even if those decisions hurt them. As for Russia, Mr. Stiglitz said that privatization had gone ahead without a sufficient legal framework. As a result, he said, ''rather than providing incentives for wealth creation, there have been incentives for asset stripping.'' ''Providing free capital mobility,'' he said, ''has been an open invitation for people to take out billions, in fact billions and billions, of dollars out of the country.'' Asked why he was leaving the World Bank, Mr. Stiglitz, 56, said that he believed he could make ''a more effective contribution'' from a position outside the bank. In an interview with The New York Times late last year, Mr. Stiglitz said that he wished to speak out publicly on a variety of issues and felt he could not do so from inside the bank. ''Rather than muzzle myself, or be muzzled, I decided to leave,'' Mr. Stiglitz said at the time. In the interview with the International Herald Tribune, Mr. Stiglitz cited in particular his concern about whether the interests of poor countries had been ''adequately represented in a lot of the international fora.'' Commenting on the way the IMF and other institutions handled the Asian financial crisis of 1997-1998, Mr. Stiglitz said that ''decisions were made in the last crisis that really adversely affected working people, small businesses.'' He said that many people were thrown out of jobs ''even though it was international financial markets that were at the root of the problem.'' ''It was small businesses that faced interest rates that put them into bankruptcy, in some countries more than 50 percent of the firms being put into bankruptcy,'' Mr. Stiglitz said. ''Yet these people whose interests were vitally at stake did not have a seat at the table when those important decisions were made.'' Mr. Stiglitz said that one of the challenges for the international financial community was ''to establish a framework in which economic policies are made which affect everybody,'' and to make sure that all those affected ''can have a voice in those policies.'' The willingness of Mr. Stiglitz to criticize financial markets, and to even suggest that limited government intervention could be positive, puts him at odds with the Washington policy consensus led by the IMF and the Treasury. Despite his decision to leave the World Bank, Mr. Stiglitz maintains cordial relations with James Wolfensohn, the World Bank president. Mr. Wolfensohn is widely regarded as a champion of the poor, but he has couched his views in more diplomatic terms than those used by his outspoken chief economist. Mr. Stiglitz said that he would spend a few months at the Brookings Institution, a Washington research group favored by former Democratic officials, before returning in the autumn to Stanford University. He took leave from Stanford seven years ago to serve as chairman of President Bill Clinton's Council of Economic Advisers, a post he held for four years before moving to the World Bank in 1997. Explaining his concerns about Russia, Mr. Stiglitz said the West assumed that a rules-based legal and financial infrastructure would emerge ''spontaneously'' and ''that all we needed to do was privatize.'' But he said that ''privatization by itself has not been a guarantee for success.'' Rather than becoming wealthier, he said, Russia has become poorer. Mr. Stiglitz is clearly unrepentant for his outspokenness, even though some of his comments about Russia were criticized by Mr. Wolfensohn last year as being ''not wholly correct.'' Protest to Proceed A group opposing the World Trade Organization said Wednesday that it would go ahead with a demonstration on Saturday against the World Economic Forum at Davos, despite a municipal ban stopping it taking place that day and a request to postpone it until Sunday, news agencies reported. ''The demonstration scheduled for Saturday afternoon in Davos will go ahead, whether it is authorized or not,'' said Vera Sommer, a spokeswoman for the group. President Clinton is expected to be at a ski station near Davos on Saturday. The protesters' organizers have filed an appeal against the municipal council's ban on the demonstration. They said they would refrain from marching at the station and will instead gather in one place in the area providing they get the go-ahead to demonstrate on Saturday. About 500 protesters are expected. The Swiss army has been dispatched for the first time, and a lone U.S. military helicopter - a rare sight in this neutral nation - has been hovering above the mountains in a security check. (AFX, Reuters) From rob@essential.org Fri, 4 Feb 2000 04:58:18 -0500 (EST) Date: Fri, 4 Feb 2000 04:58:18 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] IMF not ready to bow out This is a very important story, suggesting the IMF is not at all ready to follow Larry Summers' suggestion that it get out of the business of long-term development lending. World Bank Poverty Chief to Join IMF Amid Calls for Reform Bloomberg Washington, Jan. 25 The World Bank's poverty chief will join the International Monetary Fund, even as the U.S. presses for the IMF to abandon development loans and focus on short-term lending to shore up government finances. Masood Ahmed, a World Bank vice president, will take a new senior post at the IMF in June working on poverty issues, the bank said. Ahmed will be a ``central player'' in a new joint effort between the fund and the bank on debt reduction, although he has no specific title yet, according to IMF spokesman Bill Murray. The move comes days after U.S. Treasury Secretary Lawrence Summers said the Group of Seven industrial countries will take a ``comprehensive'' look at how the IMF lends its money. The fund is trying to balance calls by the U.S. Congress and Summers that it concentrate on temporary emergency lending. ``The fund was not originally intended to get involved in the economies of the poorest countries,'' said Veena Siddharth, a senior policy analyst at Oxfam International, an advocacy group. Oxfam and other poverty-fighting organizations have criticized the IMF for collecting debt payments from countries struggling to fund education, health care and other basic services. That censure led the fund to set up a program with the World Bank to forgive debt for countries like Mali, Bolivia and Guyana in exchange for reforms. Ahmed, who was not immediately available for comment, now runs the World Bank's debt relief program. He will be succeeded at the World Bank by Kemal Dervis, who works as vice president for the Middle East and North Africa region, the bank said. From rob@essential.org Fri, 4 Feb 2000 05:01:04 -0500 (EST) Date: Fri, 4 Feb 2000 05:01:04 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] Critical review of "debt relief" DON'T BE FOOLED BY DEBT RELIEF by John Pilger 10th January 2000 Don't be fooled by Debt Relief ... it's just another way of reshaping the third world to the demands of capital. The recent announcement by the British government that it is to "cancel third world debt" was a propaganda triumph. What a joy, sang the Guardian. Debt forgiveness, said Bob Geldof, was an "instinct" that was "deeply rooted" in Tony Blair's background. A code word in Gordon Brown's statement ought to have been enough to alert even the gullible. Brown said that poor countries would have their debt forgiven if they used the relief "productively". Later, he wrote, "both the IMF and the World Bank will show how together macro-economic, structural reform and anti-poverty programmes can bring less poverty and more growth". Not a single example exists where "macro-economic, structural reform" - he means laissez-faire capitalism imposed by the IMF and World Bank - has alleviated mass poverty. Throughout the developing world, especially Africa, "structural adjustment programmes" have destroyed jobs and public services, while shaping local economies to the demand of transnational capital. In the IMF's most "successful" countries in sub-Saharan Africa, 13 children die every minute from the likes of diarrhoea and malnutrition. Far from changing this, Brown's "initiative" will reinforce it. To qualify, those countries that have been bled by British banks for 20 years will have to adhere to the "conditionality" of the World Bank's "Poverty Reduction and Growth Facility", which allows limited relief to highly visible projects in countries that have been awarded World Bank/ IMF brownie points for privatising and slashing jobs and services. The British Treasury will now have a fine excuse for not increasing Britain's scandalously mean aid programme. There is a related hidden agenda here. This is the emergence, in another guise, of the discredited Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI). Had it not been for an international campaign against MAI, the "Paris club" of rich governments, notably the Blair regime, would have signed away, in effect, the sovereignty and independence of developing countries to transnational capital; for the power to override national environmental and employment laws was at the core of MAI. The campaign against it forced governments, notably the French, to break ranks. MAI died. Or so it seemed. Those who follow the chameleon enthusiasms of Clare Short, Blair's Secretary of State for International Development and defender of globalisation and illegal bombing, will note her latest: "untying" British aid from trade deals with British companies. Her stated reasons seem so sensible. Why should poor countries, she says, be restricted to British commercial contracts? Surely that is "unfair"? What she omits to say is that the Blair government is at the forefront of "liberalising" the entire procurement and contracting system in the third world: booty worth three trillion dollars, more than international trade. This "untying" will allow British and other rich-world transnational corporations eventually to secure contracts in domestic markets previously barred to them. By comparison, the 14 per cent of the British aid budget presently exploited by British companies is chicken feed. This was not debated at Seattle, and there is the danger of a behind-closed-doors fait accompli. In Britain, one of the obstacles to mounting an opposition to this is the compliance of leading voluntary agencies, or non-government organisations. The "euphoria" of certain NGOs following Gordon Brown's "debt relief" announcement comes after a long seduction. NGOs represent the "civil society" courted by new Labour. Having become dependent on government funding and gone some of the way with the fakery of "productivity" linked to poverty relief, and having in recent years "restructured" their organisations right down to the use of claptrap market jargon, the more ambitious in the NGOs are in danger of slipping into bed with new Labour, the government of business. A few, such as Action Aid, remain unseduced, and there are those who clearly have serious doubts: witness the report by Louise Jury and Matthew Lockwood, Millennium Lottery: who lives, who dies in an age of third world debt? published last month by Christian Aid. When Peter Mandelson and his co-author Roger Liddle outlined in their book one of the blueprints for new Labour, they identified Britain's "economic strengths" as the transnational corporations, the "aerospace" industry (arms) and the "pre- eminence of the City of London". The evidence is now irrefutable; new Labour is a major facilitator of capital and of the sinister changes planned for the world's economy as part of globalisation. On the day Gordon Brown announced his "debt relief", this overshadowed the news that the Commons International Development Committee had discovered that a quarter of all export credit guarantees to poor countries were for the sale of weapons. Five days later, at the climax of the Hamilton and Fayed libel circus, the Trade Secretary, Stephen Byers, approved export credit guarantees worth =A3200 million to finance the huge Ilisu dam in Turkey that will assist in ethnically cleansing thousands of Kurds from their cultural heartland. No one wants it, apart from the repressive regime in Turkey, an arms client of the Blair government, and the British construction firm, Balfour Beatty, which stands to make a fortune. Does all this sound familiar? Recognise the name of the company from the Pergau Dam scandal in Malaysia, the epitome of Tory corruption? Little has changed; and we ought not to be fooled a second time. From rob@essential.org Fri, 4 Feb 2000 05:08:42 -0500 (EST) Date: Fri, 4 Feb 2000 05:08:42 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] IN AFRICA, DEBT RELIEF HAS TWO SIDES - The Los Angeles Times (fwd) The Los Angeles Times=09=09=09=09Thursday, January 27, 2000 =20 IN AFRICA, DEBT RELIEF HAS TWO SIDES=20 =09Misery is being eased by the willingness of rich nations and big=20 =09lenders to cancel the financial obligations of poor countries. But=20 =09critics say the plans could perpetuate the shackles of=20 =09colonialism.=20 =20 =09By Dean E. Murphy, Times Staff Writer BUGIRI, Uganda--Until recently, school here was conducted on a=20 patch of trampled earth beneath a giant berry tree. For the lucky=20 few, there was a pair of grass huts. Now, the children meet beneath=20 shiny metal roofs in brick classrooms at the Namayemba Primary=20 School, one of thousands of development projects across Africa.=20 =09But the Namayemba school is different in a potentially=20 momentous way: Construction money came from a new account=20 created when foreign lenders canceled some Ugandan government=20 debt. And because of strict controls, none of the newly freed-up=20 cash appears to have been stolen or misused.=20 =09The unusual approach to financing the school is at the center of=20 a contentious overhaul of the global creditor-debtor relationship. At=20 a time of unparalleled prosperity in the United States and Western=20 Europe, the world=92s most impoverished countries are poised to=20 benefit from billions of dollars in canceled debts owed to wealthy=20 countries and big international institutions.=20 =09In order to reap this reward, strapped governments, mostly in=20 Africa, have decided to play by the rules of the powerful lenders.=20 Uganda, an East African nation of 22 million, is the first to benefit=20 by redirecting money once earmarked for paying off debts to such=20 things as building schools and buying medicine.=20 =09Two dozen African countries are lined up for the unprecedented=20 debt assistance, but the write-offs have touched deep emotions. On=20 a continent where bad governance and corruption are endemic, and=20 Washington-based international institutions have patchy records,=20 the debt relief programs run by the International Monetary Fund=20 and the World Bank are being scrutinized through the prism of=20 Africa=92s tumultuous past.=20 =09At the center of the debate is a battle over what strings should=20 be attached to debt relief--and how much of the developing world=92s=20 estimated $2.3-trillion debt should qualify. Some critics complain=20 that the stringent structural adjustments required by international=20 lenders could perpetuate the paternalistic north-south dynamic that=20 has shackled the continent throughout its modern history. Others=20 counter that without such tough guidelines, inept African leaders=20 will squander the money they save.=20 =09=93Debt and debt relief are normally subjects for economists, but=20 there is nothing academic about them,=94 President Clinton said in=20 September. =93We have before us perhaps as great an opportunity as=20 the people of the world have ever seen.=94=20 =09Nearly half of all Africans live on less a year than the average=20 American family pays for a cable television subscription. The=20 Mozambican legislature recently calculated that Europeans spend=20 more annually on ice cream than would be needed to provide=20 primary education, clean water and sanitation for the tens of=20 millions of Africans without such basic services.=20 =09Meanwhile, Africa=92s poorest governments are spending up to=20 25% of total revenue on debt payments to foreign lenders.=20 =09Prodded by grass-roots anti-poverty movements worldwide,=20 Clinton, British Prime Minister Tony Blair and others say the=20 helping hand for indebted countries is long overdue. Clinton has=20 proposed a U.S. contribution of $800 million over the next four=20 years to help finance $50 billion in global write-offs, although=20 Congress in November refused to approve the first year=92s=20 allocation.=20 =09Separately, the United States has already forgiven more than=20 $1.2 billion in debt owed it by 20 African countries. Next year=92s=20 budget includes an additional $110 million to write off more debt as=20 part of the worldwide debt relief programs.=20 =09The world=92s poorest countries owe the bulk of the money to=20 private and public lenders in the United States, Europe and Asia as=20 well as to the IMF and the World Bank. The funds were borrowed=20 by post-colonial governments over the past few decades and in=20 most cases were mismanaged, stolen, squandered or lost on the=20 battlefield. Some of the lenders, flush with cash, clearly overreached=20 or were guilty of bad judgment.=20 =09The poor countries say they cannot possibly repay the loans. An=20 estimated 55% of poor-country debt is not being paid, according to=20 the Jubilee 2000 Coalition, a London-based group lobbying for debt=20 cancellation.=20 =09But the cancellation of Third World debt is much like the=20 refinancing of a personal loan: Borrowers don=92t save a penny unless=20 they agree to the fine print. And there is no guarantee that debtors=20 will like the conditions, be grateful or see anything but self-interest=20 on the part of those offering to help.=20 =09Powerful organizations such as the IMF say they want to make=20 sure that savings from canceled debts do not pad the Swiss bank=20 accounts of African autocrats or bankroll their wars. They intend to=20 direct debt relief to causes they deem worthy, by imposing=20 guidelines on who qualifies, when and how.=20 =09=93It is not that there is any resistance to debt relief, but we can=92t= =20 just write a blank check that says you don=92t have to pay your bills,=94= =20 said Robert L. Mallett, U.S. deputy secretary of commerce. =93We=20 cannot have Africa operating with a double standard.=94=20 Economic Criteria to Qualify Are Exacting=20 =09Before qualifying for the kind of relief Uganda got last year,=20 most eligible African countries will have to meet exacting economic=20 criteria. They will be judged on everything from trade liberalization=20 to taxation policies to the selling of state-owned companies.=20 =09The IMF, the World Bank, the United States and others say that=20 African countries must open up to the global economy--and control=20 wasteful internal spending and inflation--if debt relief is to be put to=20 lasting use. African countries from Ghana in the west to Tanzania in=20 the east have concluded that IMF-mandated reforms are their best=20 option.=20 =09But in the past, reforms imposed from the outside have failed in=20 some countries, leaving the poor no better off. A growing=20 worldwide movement--which has attracted a following ranging=20 from Irish singer Bono to former heavyweight boxing champion=20 Muhammad Ali to Pope John Paul II--is demanding that debts=20 deemed unpayable be canceled outright. Adherents of this approach=20 insist only on bare-bones conditions--mainly, making sure that the=20 money is properly accounted for and is directed exclusively toward=20 helping the poor.=20 =09Some African leaders, moreover, want to ensure that debt=20 assistance does not further solidify the economic dominance of the=20 developed world. They would like to cut out the middlemen such as=20 the IMF and the World Bank.=20 =09=93For debt relief to work, let the conditions be set by civil=20 society in our countries, not by big world institutions using it as a=20 political tool,=94 said Kennedy Tumutegyereize of the Uganda Debt=20 Network, a coalition of advocacy groups. =93That way, we can=20 promote democracy and human rights with debt relief. Right now,=20 there is a general belief that no African government can survive=20 without a master in the north.=94=20 =09According to a survey cited by Oxfam International, a London- based network of aid agencies, three-quarters of the African=20 countries undergoing IMF-mandated reforms in the 1980s and=20 1990s cut public spending on education.=20 =09An IMF study last year of 66 countries worldwide that have=20 followed IMF economic programs found that per capita spending=20 on education increased in Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean-- but fell in sub-Saharan Africa. Oxfam and other advocates for the=20 poor fear that IMF-guided debt assistance will only make things=20 worse, at least in the short term, as governments rein in social=20 spending to meet inflation and budget targets required for the write- offs.=20 =09=93This is precisely the form of slavery that we . . . so roundly=20 condemn,=94 said Anglican Archbishop Njongonkulu Ndungane of=20 South Africa, a prominent proponent of cutting African debt with=20 few strings attached. =93Secretive, behind-closed-doors negotiations=20 between political elites in Africa and bureaucratic elites in=20 Washington foster corruption and undermine democratic=20 accountability in Africa.=94=20 Uganda Is Debt Relief=92s Poster Child=20 =09Even Uganda had its assistance delayed for more than a year=20 because of unhappiness among lenders. But those problems aside,=20 Uganda remains the poster child of international debt relief.=20 =09Last year, Uganda became the first country to qualify under a=20 recent IMF-World Bank debt initiative, with about $650 million in=20 loans wiped off the books. Uganda met the criteria well ahead of=20 other countries because President Yoweri Museveni had followed a=20 strict regimen of IMF and World Bank medicine since the late=20 1980s.=20 =09=93There must be some benchmark for the [debts] to be forgiven,=94=20 Museveni said in an interview. =93[One] must show signs that he is=20 managing his economy well, that he has made the necessary=20 reforms. There must be linkage between forgiveness and the policy=20 of reform.=94=20 =09After disastrous rule by Idi Amin and then Milton Obote, a=20 devastating civil war and a brief experiment with go-it-alone=20 economic policies, Museveni turned the country in 1987 irreversibly=20 toward Western-style fiscal and monetary conservatism.=20 =09The government cut public spending--including per capita=20 allowances for education--tackled inflation and promoted economic=20 growth. By the mid-1990s, with the economy in relatively good=20 order, it then shifted toward anti-poverty efforts--which included=20 big increases in health and education spending and strong appeals=20 for international debt relief.=20 =09=93A lot of countries are watching Uganda=92s experience,=94 said=20 Randolph Harris, the World Bank=92s representative in Kampala, the=20 Ugandan capital. =93A lot still needs to be done, but they are doing=20 things right.=94=20 =09In this muddy farming district 100 miles east of Kampala,=20 money from canceled debts has helped pay for antimalarial drugs,=20 new dirt roads to remote villages and, so far, enough bricks to build=20 29 classrooms, including two at the Namayemba school.=20 =09Pastor Edward Nikanori, who heads the PTA at Namayemba=20 and runs a nearby church, said the improvements may seem small to=20 outsiders. God knows, he said, a lot more is needed. At=20 Namayemba, pupils outnumber teachers by about 100 to 1. In first=20 grade, there are only 15 textbooks for 400 pupils. And despite the=20 new drugs, someone dies of malaria about every other day.=20 =09Even so, residents are so thrilled with the progress--any=20 progress--that theft and corruption have been nonexistent, the=20 pastor said. Normally, local government officials acknowledge, it is=20 a struggle to keep international donations and other funds from=20 going missing. Even bricks for public buildings walk.=20 =09=93Everyone is admiring this place when they pass on the road,=94=20 said Nikanori, proudly summoning the student body to pose for a=20 picture outside the newest classroom. =93Parents now have started=20 contributing to build three more classrooms of our own. There is=20 optimism like we never had before.=94=20 =09It is because of the excitement in Bugiri and a handful of similar=20 places in Uganda that many proponents of debt relief are urging=20 Africans to follow the Ugandan example.=20 =09Uganda=92s poverty reduction program is the sole beneficiary of=20 savings from its canceled debts. Every dollar not paid in debt=20 service is placed in a government =93poverty action fund.=94=20 =09All contributions to the poverty fund--including canceled debts,=20 international donations and Ugandan government money--can be=20 publicly tracked. Last year, most of the money came from debt=20 relief. The increasingly popular fund contains about $105 million=20 this year, of which $44 million came from debt relief.=20 =09The Ugandan government is also trying to tackle chronic=20 corruption by opening its books. The parliament invites=20 nongovernmental organizations to monitor its work, particularly the=20 anti-poverty programs. The media have also been given a free hand=20 to scrutinize government spending, something not tolerated in many=20 African countries.=20 =09=93We recognize we cannot move forward with more debt relief if=20 there is a lack of transparency and accountability,=94 said Damoni=20 Kitabire of Uganda=92s Ministry of Finance.=20 =09There have been mistakes and setbacks.=20 =09Uganda=92s costly military involvement in Congo, where many=20 Central African countries have intervened in a civil war, has raised=20 fears about the country=92s defense spending. Several high-profile=20 government officials have been ensnared in corruption scandals--an=20 indication that Uganda has far to go in conquering corruption. And=20 even with its newfound openness, the government has been accused=20 of cooking statistics; one top official was greeted with derisive=20 laughter last year when he announced in parliament that the=20 economy was growing at a rate higher than almost anyone believed.=20 =09Early last year, the Danish government decided not to increase=20 its aid to Uganda because of worries about how the money was=20 being handled. Uganda, which received $69.5 million from=20 Copenhagen last year, is the No. 1 recipient of Danish foreign=20 giving.=20 =09=93We have had several cases of funds being misused,=94 said Jens=20 Rasmussen of the Danish Embassy in Kampala. =93It is a general=20 problem in this part of the world.=94=20 Many Lenders Stopped Expecting Repayment=20 =09Despite such obstacles here and in other developing countries,=20 leaders of the big industrialized nations concede that more must be=20 done to help the world=92s worst off. But with little interest in=20 spending a lot of money, they have turned to old debts to plug the=20 hole. Many lenders had given up on getting the money back=20 anyway.=20 =09Three years ago, the IMF and the World Bank launched the=20 program intended to reduce repayments for the world=92s poorest 41=20 countries. The so-called Highly Indebted Poor Countries initiative,=20 or HIPC, is the centerpiece of international debt-relief efforts,=20 though it falls far short of total cancellation.=20 =09So far, only Uganda and a handful of other countries have=20 qualified. Leaders of the big industrialized countries who met in=20 Cologne, Germany, last spring decided to ease the qualifications,=20 but they were hazy about how to pay for the greater generosity.=20 The cost of the expanded program, according to the IMF, will=20 increase from $12.5 billion to $27.5 billion.=20 =09In contrast, a comprehensive write-off would mean erasing=20 between $130 billion and $370 billion from the books, according to=20 various calculations.=20 =09=93If the developed countries are serious about human equality=20 and equity, they should give Africa this chance,=94 said Ndungane,=20 the South African archbishop. =93Germany was flattened during=20 World War II but given a lease on life with the Marshall Plan and a=20 transfer of technology. Let=92s give the developing nations the=20 wherewithal to help themselves.=94=20 =09The governments that are keeping up with payments say the=20 burden is so great that they have little left for education, health care=20 and other essential services. The IMF counters that poor=20 governments, on average, receive twice as much money in foreign=20 aid as they pay in debt service, but many governments say that is=20 small comfort when poverty is so pervasive and aid worldwide is=20 decreasing.=20 =09=93Our debt service equals 25% of the total revenue of the=20 government,=94 said Gabriel Fabiao Mambo of the Ministry of=20 Planning and Finance in Mozambique, until recently the world=92s=20 poorest country. =93That means we are left fighting poverty with just=20 three-quarters of our resources.=94=20 =09Mozambique is one of the most recent beneficiaries, and the=20 biggest, of the IMF-World Bank program. In June, the former=20 Portuguese colony became the fourth country to get relief. Uganda=20 was the first, in April 1998, followed by Bolivia and Guyana in=20 South America.=20 =09The Mozambican package is worth about $3.7 billion and, over=20 the next five years, will cut the country=92s external public debt by=20 almost two-thirds. But Mozambican President Joaquim Chissano=20 says it is not enough for the former Marxist economy to get firmly=20 on its feet.=20 =09In the vicious circle of down-and-out economies, Chissano and=20 others say, poor countries will never attract the foreign investment=20 they need so long as their debt burdens remain so high; the massive=20 obligations scare away investors and rob governments of money=20 they could use to attract business.=20 =09Even with the new write-offs, Mozambique must pay an=20 estimated $73 million a year in debt service for the next five years-- about 10% of government revenue. Chissano says it is too much,=20 and he is already pushing for total cancellation.=20 =09Mozambique will probably get more relief under the beefed-up=20 HIPC program. But that too will probably not be enough. Mallett,=20 the U.S. commerce official, recently warned Africans that they must=20 root out corruption, stop killing one another and foster more=20 regional cooperation to win the lasting confidence, goodwill and=20 financial commitment of developed nations.=20 =09=93The global economy is here, and unlike Europe [after World=20 War II], you don=92t have 40 years to get your act together,=94 he said. From rob@essential.org Fri, 4 Feb 2000 05:30:59 -0500 (EST) Date: Fri, 4 Feb 2000 05:30:59 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] important: Camdessus: An Agenda for the IMF at the start of the 21st Century There's too much useful information in here to pull out highlights. This is part of the IMF's effort to define its role, as it faces criticism and attack not only from debt cancellation campaigners by Larry Summers. Robert Weissman Essential Information | Internet: rob@essential.org An Agenda for the IMF at the start of the 21st Century Remarks by Michel Camdessus Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund At the Council on Foreign Relations New York, February 1, 2000 As prepared for delivery Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen. During my 13 years at the IMF, I have been privileged to meet with the Council on Foreign Relations on four previous occasions. On each of these encounters I have been impressed by your openness and by the attention that you have paid to the IMF. Your forbearance toward me personally makes me feel that I received much more than I gave. Today I come to thank you for all this, for your understanding, your encouragement, the public support that many of you individually have given us, and the intellectual contribution that you have generated, prominent among which has been the recent report of your Independent Task Force.1 So I feel it appropriate, with an audience that always encourages candor and openness, to share with you a few thoughts on the role of the IMF at the start of a new century. Let me immediately state that the hallmarks I have most admired in the IMF are its universality and its adaptability. It is a perennially "self-reforming" institution, very mindful of its obligation to its entire membership. Consider what this has meant over recent years when the world was facing three major challenges: the gathering pace--and expanding opportunities and risks--of globalization; the transition from plan to market in many countries; and the realization that we were lagging far behind in responding to the plight of the world's poorest people and poorest countries. Looking to the future, we can anticipate a continuation and deepening of the trends toward integration of markets and of massive global private capital flows, but also the presence of tough challenges: old ones--like poverty--and new ones, such as the aging of populations in many countries, and the potential for a surge in extremism and violence if we are not able to reverse the trend toward greater inequalities between the poorest and affluent countries. To play its appropriate role, in such a context, what kind of a Fund do we need? Let us start by considering the IMF that exists today. I see five well demonstrated strengths that the Fund offers its membership: One, universality and the responsibility it bears to interact cooperatively with each of its members on their economic policies; Two, a clearly defined, tried-and-tested mandate as set out in its original purposes, which continue to ring remarkably true today; Three, its flexibility, its capacity to adapt rapidly its activities to the new demands of a continually evolving global economy; Four, the fact that it was conceived as "the machinery," as it is put in the Articles, for promoting multilateral cooperation in addressing international economic issues; And finally, a staff well-known for its professionalism and its unique experience in performing its tasks of surveillance, technical assistance, and crisis management. How can these strengths be most effectively deployed and developed in the midst of today's rapid innovation in a world where we must always be prepared for the unexpected? Well, to put it in a sentence: by striving to be responsible to each member whatever their size or condition; and simultaneously, and by keeping a global perspective, discharging the Fund's responsibility with respect to the whole international monetary and financial system. These are the two domains on which our reform effort must be focussed. * * * * * I. Responding to the needs of each of our members Yes, all countries must always be able to rely on the Fund to be helpful in pursuing their objectives of stability and high-quality growth and so contributing--I quote the Articles of Agreement--"to the promotion and maintenance of high levels of employment and real income...." All this points to an active and wide-ranging agenda. Let me concentrate on three areas of work with countries where our activities are changing: economic management in normal times (the other name of crisis prevention), the specific problems of the poorest and most heavily indebted, and crisis management. First, in the aftermath of the Asian crisis much emphasis has been placed on crisis prevention--rightly so. Yet I find that emphasis too limiting. The world needs an institution, of course, to help in crisis prevention! But this is the very minimum: we are in a unique position to help each country to generate higher and higher quality growth for itself and in so doing to help generate high, better-balanced growth for the entire world. We cannot aim for anything less! We must place the emphasis on the ultimate objectives of national policymakers: stability and high-quality growth through sound policy. The Fund's proper role in normal times is analysis and policy dialogue--surveillance--for all its members, from the United States to the smallest Pacific island nations. The primary focus, of course, will be on the core areas of the Fund's mandate--macroeconomic policy and management. But we have learned that effective, credible policy implementation hinges on the broader issues of sound institutions, transparency, and good governance with all this implies for financial soundness, structural reform, the implementation of standards, and social and labor policies. This is why our surveillance is rapidly changing: emphasizing more strongly the international implications of domestic economic policy; developing its regional dimensions; integrating within surveillance technical assessments of vulnerabilities and risks in the financial sectors; and disseminating internationally recognized standards and codes. 2 Second, we must try to draw the logical conclusions from the recognition that, the plight of the poorest countries--and the poorest people within them--is the "ultimate systemic threat." 3 Despite all the efforts of the past 50 years, including a new emphasis on structural adjustment programs during the 1980s, the gains have been too slow, per capita income in many of the poorest countries has declined, debt has increased, and poverty remains widespread. For these reasons, the international community has recently decided to launch a renewed effort simultaneously to address poverty and the debt overhang. We have put in place the revised HIPC initiative, which will provide large-scale debt relief to countries whose pro-growth policies include an explicit and targeted anti-poverty strategy, reached by a process involving widespread participation of civil society. The new approach is based on the closest possible collaboration between the IMF and the World Bank, with the World Bank taking the lead in lending for anti-poverty purposes. As part of its contribution to the global anti-poverty effort, the IMF has replaced its concessional facility, the ESAF, with the better focussed Poverty Reduction and Growth Facility (PRGF). Why should the IMF be involved in this new approach? Because now, at last, there is a widespread conviction that there is a mutually reinforcing relationship between macroeconomic stability and structural reform on one hand, and growth and the reduction of poverty and inequality on the other. Stability and strong institutions are clearly essential for growth, and hence for poverty alleviation. But the converse is also true: popular support for stabilization and reform will not be there unless the whole population, including the poorest, is able to participate in the benefits of a comprehensive set of policies which also aims to unlock all its productive potential, prioritize human development spending, and provide sufficient safety nets for the most vulnerable. However, articulating poverty reduction as an explicit objective of our programs does not mean that the IMF will be heading off in a major new direction in its operational focus. Rather, we will have to rely on our partners in the World Bank and the regional development banks to undertake the lending operations that will support the direct anti-poverty policies included in the economic programs we support. For the Fund, the objective is to ensure that poverty reduction is an integral and explicit objective when designing policies, and to verify that the machinery and support are available to pursue these policies. Third, crisis management: this is the IMF's most publicized work, it must of course continue to be essential. But, to respond adequately to the range of country circumstances, the Fund needs a variety of approaches. At one end of the spectrum, we find the headline-grabbing situations where domestic crises have systemic implications in countries suddenly hit by urgent large-scale liquidity crises. The Fund is better equipped to extend such support. At its disposal it now has the Supplemental Reserve Facility (SRF), designed to respond rapidly to major crises, and the Contingent Credit Lines (CCL), aimed at averting the effects of contagion on countries that are otherwise implementing sound policies. At the other end of the spectrum, we find a substantial number of the poorest countries, facing the deep-seated crisis of declining incomes and poverty. These cases will need policy advice, technical cooperation and extensive financial support (albeit small in global terms), typically over a period of years rather than months or weeks. Between these two extremes, are the many countries, each relatively small in global terms, that will continue to demand the Fund's attention and support. Ineligible for concessional support, not yet able to attract sizable private capital flows, and yet at times faced with the challenges of deep structural reform, some of these countries will continue to need recourse to official sources of support from time to time. These countries should have the assurance of drawing, when necessary, on the IMF's existing facilities--ranging from the classic 12-month stand-by arrangement to the well-established 3-year extended arrangement. It goes almost without saying that we keep these facilities under frequent review adapting them as needed. It is with them that the IMF reveals its nature as a kind of world "credit union": as D. Rockefeller put it so well in a recent article 4. Contributing in ordinary times to the financing of the cooperative institution at market rates, countries are entitled to benefit from its contribution in times of adversity provided they undertake the needed reforms. II. Responding to the systemic needs of a globalized world Let me now turn to the global dimension of the Fund's responsibilities. This brings us to the reform of the global financial architecture, to the question of how the Fund might be even better equipped to respond to a major global meltdown, and finally to the broader question of the operation and governance of the international monetary and financial system. A year ago, in virtually every international conference the central theme was reform of the international financial architecture. A great deal has been achieved in the past year in advancing transparency--that golden rule--together with financial sector stability, and internationally recognized standards. Now we are in the midst of the long process of implementation and it is vital that the world maintains its enthusiasm for change even when we are no longer in the midst of emergency. But there are also three important areas where the debate is still open. First, given the rapidly growing role of private capital flows, and the long-term potential for further expansion, a key issue is the role of the private sector in financial markets. Unfortunately, the debate on "involving the private sector," has developed into a highly technical discussion that too often has focussed on the role of the private sector in situations of crisis. Important though that is, we must keep sight of the broader principles involved: promoting open capital markets in which foreign and domestic private investors are able to compete in an environment marked by stability and transparent relationships between public and private partners. This is clearly not a goal that will be achieved overnight: volatility in private sector flows is likely to persist in crises, and the Fund may well have to step in from time to time. Therefore, it seems particularly productive to place the emphasis on how to expand the opportunities for and contribution of the private sector, on promoting investors' ability to undertake adequate risk assessment and generally on ensuring that the IMF is well adapted to interacting with the private sector. Developing a stable private sector presence is, to my mind, the most productive way to prevent crises and to keep the Fund to its intended role in the international economy. This doesn't mean that I am ready to accept as satisfactory the present regime of our intervention in times of crisis. Far from it. I urge the membership to consider more actively our role in times of crisis, including those extreme situations in which, even after good faith efforts, default cannot be avoided. In this situation, I continue to hold the view, that the international community needs the right to impose a temporary stay on legal action by creditors while the debt is resolved. One option is to agree on amending or interpreting the Fund's Articles to enable it to perform this role. Creating optimal conditions for the private sector leads logically to the second issue, a key contribution to creating the condition for a constructive role for the private sector. It is the question of promoting the liberalization of capital movements. The founders of the Bretton Woods Institutions were motivated by their clear perception that free trade was the key to unlocking the world's economic potential. How amply their foresight has been rewarded in the past 50 years! Capital liberalization is the analogous issue of today. Few would now dispute the potential benefits that can flow from liberal capital movements supported by the appropriate economic policies, institutions, and financial sector stability. However, the wide variety of country situations means that each country needs to prepare its own path to liberalization, under carefully tailored conditions. Work is under way in the Fund on proposals that would allow countries to identify the steps that individually they need to take, and to define their own timetable. Here also the reform efforts should be intensified. 5 Third, the debate on exchange regimes still has a long way to run. Certainly some preference is emerging for exchange regimes at one end or the other of the spectrum--firm pegs or currency boards at one extreme and free floats at the other. In practice, today's regimes are not so sharply polarized and a mixture of regimes will no doubt be with us for some time. In the long run, I would suggest that we are gradually evolving toward a world of fewer currencies. However, the outstanding example of the birth of the euro, the culmination of a long journey toward regional monetary union, suggests that this is a process that is likely to be measured in decades rather than months or years. But in the final analysis, the success of any exchange regime is the reflection of the success of domestic economic policy. A chain is only as strong as its weakest link, and any exchange regime is only as strong as the weakest element of domestic policy. * * * * * These then are a few of the issues currently on the agenda in the search for a more stable global economy. But let us imagine a hypothetical situation in which a meltdown worse than we observed in 1997 and 1998 were to occur. Would the world be in a position to respond? And what would the role of the IMF be? 6 This raises the question of a need for an international lender of last resort, and whether the IMF can fulfil that role. Using Walter Bagehot's classic criteria, a domestic lender of last resort, in the event of a national systemic crisis, would provide the system with unlimited amounts of liquidity, unconditionally, at penalty interest rates, to borrowers who have good collateral. Of course there are not convincing reasons to try to establish a simplistic parallel between the national and international levels. Nonetheless, the IMF is the closest that the international financial system has to a lender of last resort. It is a function that we have been performing, and adapting, for over 50 years, and it wouldn't hurt to recognize it, to confirm the Fund in this role and to invite it to continue to offer the international community this vital guarantee with enough of a judgmental basis to avoid any risk of moral hazard. Our newest lending mechanism, the CCL, a major departure from traditional IMF lending in several important respects, is an experimental new step in that direction, still to be put to its first real test. In some ways, it loosely approximates three of Bagehot's four criteria: lending at above-normal interest rates to countries that have otherwise sound policies, and with appropriate but limited conditionality given that countries would prequalify for the use of resources. But there is clearly a limit to the fourth criterion. In the crises of 1997-98, when several systemically important countries simultaneously needed large support, the resources of the IMF were stretched to the limit. In a more widespread conflagration, a truly systemic crisis, what would happen? The IMF's resources, substantial though they are, could be completely inadequate. This is not a plea for a massive increase in the IMF's resources, which I do not believe to be necessary or desirable.7 Instead there is a role for being able to create additional liquidity on a temporary basis. How? I don't see any better way than by making an innovative use of the SDR, the IMF's reserve currency. It is not unreasonable to expect that in a grave crisis the leading countries would collaborate to inject a proper amount of international liquidity through a very simple mechanism which could decisively underpin confidence in the international system. To this end, the IMF might be authorized to inject international liquidity--and to withdraw it when the need had passed--in a manner analogous to that of a national central bank, through the creation and selective allocation of SDRs. The international community has been cautious in authorizing use of the SDR in the quarter-century of its existence, in part because of concerns about its inflationary potential, but the experience of the past two years reinforces the case for considering the tremendous potential that this instrument could have for the stability of the global economy. It would be sufficient to decide to put in place a contingency system of allocation, to be activated only in the event of a systemic credit crunch. It would be understood that in such cases all countries would receive allocations, but that countries not significantly affected by the crisis, would put their allocation at the disposal of an administrative account in the Fund to be lent conditionally to countries facing a severe liquidity squeeze. Finally let me turn to the perennial question of the international monetary system and of the governance of the IMF, as part of the governance of the entire international economy. I am sorry that circumstances have been such that, except for the remarkable start of the euro, no significant progress has taken place during the last 20 years in these fields. Of course, I was happy to contribute to, and placed great hope in, the attempts in the Plaza and Louvre accords to contribute to greater stability of the International Monetary System. History will tell us why these attempts were only a flash in the pan, even if the G-7, through the careful phrasing of its communiqus has since then tried to avoid excessive volatility in the markets. But this remains a suboptimal solution. I hope that as soon as the euro has acquired the full standing and prerogatives of a major reserve currency, effective cooperation will be established among major players to provide the world with the instruments of monetary stabilization it needs, on the basis of strengthened cooperation to harmonize macroeconomic policies. Increasingly, during this period, the issue of stability of the international monetary and financial system has been viewed in the context of the broader issue of world economic governance. This is not a reference to some kind of world economic government, but instead to the more limited ambition of finding a global response to inescapable global problems. The task is monumental. Ours is the first generation in history to find itself in the position of being called upon to influence global affairs, not from a position of military conquest or imperial power, but through voluntary international cooperation. The challenge is to find mechanisms for managing the international economy that do not compromise the sovereignty of national governments, that help the smooth and effective working of markets that increase opportunities for the poorest, that ensure international financial stability but that, also, offer solutions to problems which now transcend the boundaries of the nation state. A tall order indeed! As time is too short for me to elaborate, I would like to mention just two problems: first, coherence in international economic decision-making, and second, political responsibility. The problem created by a lack of coherence in decision-making at the world level is exemplified by the failure, in Seattle, to launch the 2000 round of trade negotiations. If not corrected promptly such a situation could lead to major setbacks. Consider the incoherence between, on one hand, the bold decision by governments--in the framework of the Bretton Woods institutions--to reduce by about one-half the debt of 35 or 40 heavily indebted poor countries; and, on the other hand, the failure of those same governments--in the framework of WTO--to promptly eliminate trade barriers to the export of these countries. Such a failure would make a mockery of a decision on debt that is, otherwise, of historic dimensions. Equally urgent--with little progress so far--is the issue of the "political responsibility" of international institutions. Too often they are portrayed as unaccountable technocracies. The truth is that the IMF is responsible and accountable to its member governments, and that all decisions have to be approved by the Executive Board of 24 members, representing 182 countries. Every single loan--including of course the controversial loans in Asia and to Russia--has had the support of our membership, that is to say, of our member governments. No, the problem is not that we are not accountable, but that we are not seen to be accountable, and that some member governments from time to time find it convenient not to express their public support for actions they have supported in the Executive Board. Part of the problem is that member governments have until recently been reluctant to publish their agreements with the Fund, and our Article IV reports on their economies, heightening the perception that we are not accountable. As you know, I have strongly supported much greater transparency for the Fund, and I am extremely happy as I leave the institution to see how much more open we have become. Greater openness will help ensure our legitimacy as well as our effectiveness in improving the quality of policy debate and democratic participation in member countries, and at the same time it will help the international capital markets become more efficient. But it is also important to ensure that the IMF is seen far more visibly to have the legitimate political support of our shareholders. One reform that I have recently supported would respond to this problem. It would entail transforming the IMF's advisory ministerial committee--until recently called the Interim Committee, renamed in September 1999 the International Monetary and Financial Committee--into a decision-making council for the major strategic orientations of the world economy. Far from leading to an undue politicization of the IMF, this would simply in the eyes of the public, place responsibility squarely where it already rests. This would help. But governments remain to be convinced. Another suggestion, along the lines of an Economic Security Council, would consist of replacing the G7 Summit every two years by a meeting of the heads of state and government of the countries--approximately 30 at any one time--who have Executive Directors on the Boards of either the IMF or the World Bank. This would provide--particularly after the present review of our quotas is completed--a fair and legitimate representation of the entire membership of 182 countries. As it would be attended by the heads of the two organizations, the Secretary General of the United Nations, as well as the heads of the ILO and WTO, it would offer a way of establishing a clear and strong link between these institutions and a representative grouping of world leaders with the greatest possible legitimacy. Here again, apart from some sympathetic murmurs of interest, I do not see distinct signs of movement, but this could be a useful item together with several other suggestions for discussions in forthcoming G-7/G-8 summits. * * * * * Summing it all up Mr. Chairman, Boldly adapting IMF surveillance, particularly of the financial sector; Actively using instruments for debt and poverty reduction squarely to address poverty as the "ultimate systemic threat"; Modernizing its facilities to better serve its entire membership when acute balance of payments crisis occur; Completing our work on the architecture, and, particularly allowing the Fund to facilitate a stay in the most severe debt crises and to avoid disorderly outcomes; Adopting the needed changes in our articles of Agreement to facilitate our work in promoting full freedom of capital movements; Designing, for contingency use, an appropriate instrument for the use of the SDR in the event of a global liquidity crunch; Engaging in the study of how to maintain the stability of the international monetary system, once the euro reaches its full potential as a major world reserve currency; Adopting the needed institutional changes to promote better exercise and perception of the political accountability of the IMF; Ensuring permanently that each country feels properly associated to the decision making process; and Conceiving and experimenting with the structures of coordination to ensure the proper coherence of decision making at world level. These ten items for reform must, in my judgement, be part of any reform agenda of the IMF and indeed our ongoing experience already suggests several others. As you have seen these are not particularly radical, yet they are still proceeding at a very uneven pace: a few already under experimentation, several others being heatedly debated, while others are still regarded as rather far-fetched or somewhat futuristic. May the world leaders who once again expressed recently in Tokyo their interest in reforming the IMF and the other international financial institutions, may all our 182 members, remember that the period of calm we have bought for the world at a high price may be only too short-lived, and so must also be a period of intense work toward reform and strengthening of our institutions. And may all of them recognize that, in a world of accelerating history, the future is already with us, calling for a high sense of responsibility, for bold action, and for more intense cooperation. 1Safeguarding Prosperity in a Global Financial System: The Future International Financial Architecture, Report of an Independent Task Force sponsored by the Council on Foreign Relations, published by the Institute for International Economics, New York, 1999. 2In collaboration with relevant national authorities and the World Bank, the Fund staff has now completed two rounds of experimental reports on the observance of standards and codes. Also the Fund and the World Bank have worked to coordinate support for strengthening financial systems, and to bring vulnerability assessments more centrally into the Fund's surveillance process, using various instruments, including the joint Bank-Fund Financial Sector Assessment Program. 3To quote Minister Gurria of Mexico. 4David Rockefeller: "Why we need the IMF," the Wall Street Journal, May 1, 1998. 5The Fund has been considering proposals for a two-phased approach to liberalizing capital flows. The first phase envisages that countries would formally declare the liberalization--subject to transitional arrangements--of payments associated with capital movements that are already authorized by a country's existing laws. In the second phase, which would operate on a purely voluntary basis , countries would identify capital transactions that could be liberalized according to their own timetable. 6This is not a purely theoretical case. I can say today that we were very close to it in October 1998. Had it not been for the positive reaction of the markets to the significant move by the US Federal Reserve Board and other monetary authorities, the reinforcement of IMF resources, and the launching of the successful program with Brazil, almost certainly, we would have been confronted with a major credit crunch. 7 If quotas were today the same size relative to global trade as they were in 1945, the resources of the Fund would be roughly 15 times their present size. And we should remember that capital flows have grown far more rapidly than trade. IMF EXTERNAL RELATIONS DEPARTMENT Telephone: 202-623-7300 Fax: 202-623-6278 From rob@essential.org Fri, 4 Feb 2000 05:47:42 -0500 (EST) Date: Fri, 4 Feb 2000 05:47:42 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] letter to IMF on external evaluation >From Angela Wood of the Bretton Woods Project: Dear friends, As you may know the IMF's trial, ad hoc external evaluation mechanism is currently being reviewed by the IMF's staff. In the next few weeks the Executive Board will meet to discuss the report and to decide on how evaluations will be carried out in the future. Some NGOs have been calling for an independent unit to be established, similar to the Bank's Operations Evaluation Department. Whilst many EDs are reluctant to establish a unit the tide is slowly turning in favour of this and now is the time to put further pressure on the EDs to agree to do so. A decision will be taken by the Spring Meetings (mid-April). At the moment the EDs are still deciding on the process for carrying out the evaluation of the evaluation mechanism. In the next week or two they will decide on whether or not to include external comments in the finalised staff report or whether to finalise the report first and have it discussed and agreed by the Board before comments are solicited. Given the poor follow-up to previous "consultations" it will be more effective if outside comments are included in the actual report as this will guarantee that the EDs see them. Please write to your ED and ask them to support this option (see letter below). I would be grateful if you could share replies with me. If you would like more information or suggestions for letters etc please contact me <. best wishes, Angela. Executive Director IMF 700 19th St NW Washington DC 12 January 2000 IMF Evaluation Dear ED, I am writing regarding the modalities for the review of the trial, external evaluation process. I am concerned that adequate Board attention may not be given to the views of those outside the IMF on the effectiveness of the trial process. I understand that the IMF Board's Evaluation Committee will meet in the next two weeks to discuss whether outside comments should be solicited and included in the staff report or whether the report should be finalised and approved by the Board before comments are solicited. The final decision will be taken by the Executive Board. In the interests of transparency and good governance I urge you to support the former option. Given that there has been considerable dissatisfaction with the trial process and that the staff are being asked to review a mechanism which may affect their own working procedures, I believe it is important that every effort is made to solicit opinions from a wide-range of commentators. By including outside comments in the report to the Board this will ensure that the Executive Directors are aware of a range of views when discussing the options for a permanent evaluation procedure. This is particularly important given the poor follow-up by IMF staff after outside comments were solicited on the External Evaluation of ESAF. In that case it was not clear whether the Board ever received or discussed the comments or what action was taken in the light of them. To ensure the consultation is effective: the staff should be required to publicise the consultation as widely as possible and ensure that the process for contributing comments is clear; the draft report should be circulated for comments in advance and these should be included in the final report; It must be clearly specified how comments and recommendations will feed into the evaluation process and minutes should be made available of the Board's discussions; the final report should be published. As you know, the Bretton Woods Project supports the establishment of an independent evaluation unit which reports to the Board, similar to the World Bank's Operations Evaluation Department. The unit should: have the capacity to evaluate the effectiveness of IMF programmes and operations on a systematic basis, particularly in relation to their social impacts and programme breakdown; all reports should be publicly disclosed; there should be a transparent and participative selection process for agreeing the focus and terms of reference of occasional, ad hoc reviews. The terms of reference of these reviews should be published on the IMF's website; a formal process should be established to ensure effective follow-up and implementation of the recommendations made. I would be grateful if you would confirm for me the position you will take on this matter, and how the Evaluation Committee and Board agree to proceed. Yours sincerely, cc. Gordon Brown, Chair, International Monetary and Finance Committee Thomas Bernes. Chair, Evaluation Committee ____________________________________________________________ The Bretton Woods Project works on World Bank and IMF issues with a network of 27 UK non-government organisations. CONTACT DETAILS: E-m: awood@gn.apc.org Postal address: Bretton Woods Project, 35 Lower Marsh, London SE1 7RT Tel: + 44 (0) 207 523 2117 Fax: + 44 (0) 207 620 0719 www.brettonwoodsproject.org From rob@essential.org Sat, 5 Feb 2000 06:44:02 -0500 (EST) Date: Sat, 5 Feb 2000 06:44:02 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] More on the IMF's Poverty Offensive It is increasingly clear that the IMF's legitimacy and ability to maintain a role in long-term and concessional financing turns on its efforts to proclaim itself a poverty-fighting institution. There is no shame. Note that the following commentary, just posted on the IMF web site, is from January 13. Robert Weissman Essential Information | Internet: rob@essential.org AFRICA CAN HARNESS GLOBALISATION A Commentary By Michel Camdessus Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund Business Day (South Africa) January 13, 2000 Reproduced with permission of Business Day (South Africa) Economic growth and poverty reduction can accelerate if continent follows IMF and World Bank prescriptions, writes Michel Camdessus There is an old African proverb that has become more widely known of late: it takes a village to raise a child. In the new millennium we could say that it takes a global village to raise that child up from poverty. What are Africa's chances of harnessing the benefits of globalisation, achieving more rapid poverty reduction and faster growth in living standards? I believe the prospects are good for several reasons: * Much of Africa has made significant economic progress in recent years. Real gross domestic product (GDP) growth averaged nearly 4% a year in the past five years--a clear improvement from the 1980s and early 1990s--with some countries reaching average growth in the 5%-8% range. Per capita incomes are on the rise and average annual inflation is in single digits, sharply down from an average of 40% in the first half of the 1990s; * The world economic environment is improving. The economies afflicted by the financial crises of recent years are recovering, global inflation remains low and worldwide growth, which fell to 2.5% in 1998, is expected to reach at least 3.5% this year; and * The global village has been listening to Africa's plight and is ready to act, including through a new approach to poverty reduction recently adopted by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank. This amounts to a unique window of opportunity for achieving the faster poverty reduction and faster growth. Growth in per capita incomes is still far too slow (it remains negative in several countries) and the depth and prevalence of poverty remain unacceptable. We are still a far cry from the Copenhagen Declaration pledge to reduce by half the proportion of people living in extreme poverty by 2015. The proportion of the globe's people living on less than $1 a day is only just below the 29% estimated in the early 1990s. For economic growth, the 7% that Asia has averaged in recent decades may be a reasonable target for Africa. But the faster progress that Africa needs in growth and poverty reduction will depend on a new partnership between Africa and the international community. A large part of what Africa needs to do is familiar. It includes: * Pursuing sound macroeconomic policies to boost confidence, investment and growth in the private sector; * Reforming the financial sector and legal and regulatory frameworks to remove impediments to efficiency and competitiveness; * Stepping up trade and exchange liberalisation, and price liberalisation--including removing biases against agriculture and the diversification of exports--to open up economies to competition and deepen their integration into the world economy; * Giving a decisive boost to regional integration efforts; * Strengthening public institutions, improving governance and rooting out corruption; and * Increasing the efficiency of public spending to free up more resources for the poor, including cutting military outlays. There are also some important changes in emphasis in the international community's new approach to poverty reduction. One is a greater emphasis on policies that attack poverty directly. We have long known that sound economic policies promote poverty reduction. But we are now much more aware that causation also runs in the other direction. Policies that benefit the poor directly--such as investing in health, education and rural infrastructure--also boost growth. How are these insights being translated into actions? First, the new approach puts poverty reduction at the heart of programmes to be supported by the IMF and World Bank in the 75 poorest countries. The objectives of the IMF's concessional lending facility for low-income countries have been broadened to include poverty reduction. this change, the ESAF has been renamed the Poverty Reduction and Growth Facility. To ensure the focus on poverty reduction, the strategy in each country will be set out in a poverty reduction strategy paper to be drawn up by the government, with the broad participation of civil society. This will provide a focused policy agenda, promote government accountability and foster a national dialogue on economic and social policies. Moreover, since the paper will form the basis for the financial support of the IMF, World Bank and eventually other creditors and donors, it should ensure better coordination of external assistance and more effective use of debt relief. To further help the heavily indebted poor countries, most of which are in Africa, the international community recently agreed to provide deeper and faster debt relief, which is expected to be available to more countries (perhaps 36 instead of 29). The external debt burdens of these countries, in aggregate, will be cut by more than half, reducing their debt to sustainable levels and freeing up more resources for poverty reduction. More is also being done with technical assistance and training. How can the industrial countries help Africa through their own policies? On the trade front, they should take bolder steps to give exports from the poorest countries unfettered, tariff-free and guaranteed access to their markets. They should boost aid flows from their current low levels, make medium-term commitments to aid provision, channel help to countries pursuing the right policies, ensure that debt relief is truly additional and not financed out of existing aid budgets, and simplify procedures. They should also bolster their efforts to help Africa bring peace to its war-torn regions. A good start would include strongly supporting Africa's efforts to build peace, resolve and prevent conflicts; exercising restraint in arms sales; ending the provision of export credits for military purposes; encouraging reductions in military expenditures to below 1.5% of GDP; and joining international efforts to counter the smuggling of raw materials and natural resources to finance armed conflict. Africa now enjoys a new opportunity to mobilise the international community behind its growth and development efforts through the new approach to poverty reduction. Let us join hands in a new partnership--a partnership in which Africa itself will have to play the pivotal role--so that history records the dawn of the new millennium as the ushering in of an African renaissance. Camdessus is departing IMF Managing Director. From rob@essential.org Sat, 5 Feb 2000 06:48:01 -0500 (EST) Date: Sat, 5 Feb 2000 06:48:01 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] IMF $ for Indonesia This release is on the IMF web site at http://www.imf.org/external/np/sec/pr/2000/PR0004.htm For more information, see Indonesia and the IMF Press Release No. 00/4 February 4, 2000International Monetary Fund 700 19th Street, NW Washington, D.C. 20431 USA IMF Approves US$5 Billion Extended Arrangement for Indonesia The International Monetary Fund (IMF) approved today a three-year, SDR 3.638 billion (about US$5 billion) Extended Fund Facility to support Indonesia's economic and structural reform program. Of the total, SDR 260 million (about US$349 million) is available immediately, and further disbursements will be made available on the basis of performance targets and program reviews in the period ahead. At the conclusion of discussions by the IMF's Executive Board on Indonesia's economic and structural program, Stanley Fischer, First Deputy Managing Director, made the following statement: "The Indonesian authorities are embarking on a bold and comprehensive program aimed at restoring growth, entrenching low inflation, reducing the public debt, phasing out the dependence on exceptional financing, and normalizing relations with private capital markets. "The program envisages continuity in monetary and exchange rate policies that have gained credibility as they have delivered low inflation, strengthened the rupiah, and facilitated declining interest rates. As confidence improves, and risk premia fall, there is room for further declines in interest rates, which remain high in real terms. "The proposed fiscal deficit of 5 percent of GDP for FY 2000 strikes a careful balance between supporting the recovery and starting fiscal consolidation. Equally important are the tax reform measures to help rebuild Indonesia's tax base over the medium term. The authorities have also decided to reduce the untargeted fuel and power subsidies on a phased basis over this period. They are seeking to protect low income households temporarily from the associated price increases. "The authorities have fully recognized that fiscal decentralization needs to be carefully managed to meet the political imperatives while maintaining fiscal neutrality. "The reform program gives much greater direction to bank and corporate restructuring which should be carried forward in a more integrated manner under the auspices of the newly established Financial Sector Policy Committee. There is much strengthened emphasis on loan collection and asset recovery which need to be carried forward forcefully by IBRA. In this regard, IBRA's independence is imperative. The measures to change the incentive structure facing noncooperative debtors, together with the authorities' anti-corruption efforts, should help impart a much needed momentum to the debt restructuring process. "The program includes a range of other structural measures. Institution building and governance are being given high prominence; privatization and energy sector reforms will help improve efficiency and strengthen public finances; and improved management of the natural resources will be given much more importance. "The Fund, the World Bank, and the AsDB have collaborated closely in the discussions with the authorities on all the key elements of the program," Fischer said. ANNEX Background Much was achieved under the previous extended arrangement (see News Brief No. 98/31), when Indonesia made significant progress in restoring macroeconomic stability, dealing with the financial crisis, advancing structural reforms, and assuring food security. The macroeconomic achievements included the virtual elimination of inflation, stabilization of the rupiah, and a recovery in foreign exchange reserves. Despite these gains, more remains to be done to revive the real economy and lay the foundation for a sustained recovery that would increase employment and reduce poverty. These challenges constitute the principal agenda of the authorities' comprehensive economic program, supported by the IMF, that aims to accelerate the restructuring of Indonesia's economy and meet the remaining challenges. Medium-Term Policy Strategy Indonesia's Fund-supported three-year program has four main features (see "Indonesia Letter of Intent, January 20, 2000" at http://www.imf.org/external/NP/LOI/2000/012000.HTM). First, the program is designed to make Indonesia's macroeconomic policy mix fully supportive of recovery while entrenching price stability. Second, the program is designed to reinvigorate bank, corporate, and other restructuring policies that are crucial to sustaining an economic recovery and achieving lasting poverty reduction. Third, Indonesia's program seeks to rebuild key public institutions which will strengthen the nation's capacity to implement economic and social policies with popular support, transparency, and good governance. Fourth, the program is designed to improve natural resource management, arrest the long-term deterioration in the environment, and ensure the sustainable use of natural resources for Indonesia's future generations. Macroeconomic Policies Under the Program The macroeconomic framework seeks to restore an annual growth rate in the vicinity of 5-6% by 2002, with an annual inflation target of below 5%. Although Indonesia's current account would weaken over the next several years as investment gathers pace, official financing and improvements in private capital flows should offset the decline in the current account surplus. The government debt-to-GDP ratio should decline by 2004 to around 65% from its recent peak of 100%, benefiting from falling interest rates and asset recoveries by the Indonesian Bank Restructuring Agency (IBRA). Key to attaining these objectives, however, will be a range of fiscal policy measures. In FY 2000, the budget deficit of 5% of GDP seeks to strike a careful balance between supporting the economic recovery and starting the process of government debt reduction. While the budget considers gradual reduction of untargeted subsidies, it also proposes social safety measures to protect small households from the impact of the lower subsidies. Social spending will also include strengthening of targeted poverty-alleviation programs, supporting rice distribution, and providing health, education and employment services. Civil service wage reforms are envisioned, which are expected to be accompanied by anti-corruption efforts. Additionally, fiscal decentralization is to be implemented by June 2001 in a way that it is consistent with Indonesia's Regional Governance and Fiscal Balance Laws, and preserves the principle of fiscal neutrality. Monetary and exchange rate policies are expected to continue to be fully supportive of the recovery process. The program for 2000 has been formulated to accommodate the anticipated higher growth, and private credit is expected to recover as bank and corporate reforms take hold. Financial and Corporate Restructuring Banking and corporate sector reforms are at the heart of Indonesia's economic program, and the government has adopted a bold agenda. The Financial Sector Policy Committee has been established with the mandate to provide leadership and direction in banking and corporate restructuring. The key objectives in bank restructuring efforts are to capitalize all the banks to 8% CAR by end-2001, as a precondition for eventually replacing the comprehensive guarantee scheme with a self-financed deposit insurance, to enhance efforts to restructure state banks, to ensure better governance and supervision of the banking system and IBRA, to deepen bond and equity markets, and to reinforce asset recovery efforts by IBRA. In the corporate sector, the government has developed a bold new strategy to give fresh momentum to corporate restructuring that will include an active role for IBRA, and establishes procedures under which the government may direct non-IBRA-led cases to the Jakarta Initiative Task Force (JITF), and may refer cases to the Attorney general for the initiation of bankruptcy proceedings against those debtors who refuse to negotiate in good faith. Additionally, efforts to institute strong anti-corruption measures are also being taken. Other Structural Policies The new government has reviewed the privatization process, and adopted a new program for FY2000 driven primarily by efficiency rather than budgetary considerations. Other structural reforms envisioned by the government include continuing and accelerating initiatives to improve the performance of Indonesia's energy sector, improving the domestic business environment to revive foreign direct investment, designing agriculture policy measures to maintain food security and promote efficient production, creating a strategic plan and consultative process to establish a national forest program that develops transparent and rules-based procedures for conservation of the remaining natural forests, and, more generally, improving environmental regulations and natural resource management over the next three years. Financing Needs In addition to the IMF's extended arrangement, the reform program will be supported by substantial financing from the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank, and bilateral official contributions, especially Japan. The Consultative Group for Indonesia, at a meeting in Jakarta during February 1-2, pledged up to $4.7 billion of support to Indonesia in addition to IMF financing for FY 2000. Indonesia joined the IMF on February 21, 1967 and its quota is SDR 2,079.3 million (about US$3 billion). Its outstanding use of IMF financing currently totals SDR 7.5 billion (about US$10 billion). Indonesia: Medium-Term Macroeconomic Framework, 1998/99-2002 1/ Estimate Projections 1998/99 1999/2000 2000 2001 2002 (In percent change) Output and prices Real GDP -14.2 1.8 3 to 4 4 to 5 5 to 6 CPI inflation (average) 64.7 8.5 3 to 4 4 to 5 4 to 5 CPI inflation (end-of-period) 45.4 0.0 5 to 6 4 to 5 4 to 5 (In percent of GDP) Savings and investment Gross domestic investment 12.1 13.4 16.3 18.1 19.2 Gross national savings 16.6 16.6 18.1 18.7 19.1 Central government operations Revenue and grants 15.3 14.5 15.1 15.5 16.0 Expenditure and net lending 17.4 18.3 20.1 19.2 18.6 Of which: interest payments on bank restructuring bonds 0.6 2.2 4.7 4.1 3.6 Overall balance -2.2 -3.8 -5.0 -3.7 -2.6 Overall balance including arrears -2.2 -5.0 -5.0 -3.7 -2.6 Domestic financing, of which: -2.3 3.5 2.4 2.6 2.6 Privatization receipts 0.2 0.8 0.7 0.7 0.8 Recovery of bank assets (cash basis) 0.0 1.5 1.8 1.8 1.7 Foreign financing 2/ 4.5 1.5 2.5 1.2 0.1 (End-of-period, in annual percent change) Money and credit Credit to the private sector 3/ -2.6 1.9 10.4 ... ... Broad money 33.8 16.0 11.8 ... ... Base money 27.4 9.5 8.3 ... ... (In billions of U.S. dollars) Balance of payments Current account balance 4.6 4.8 3.3 1.0 -0.2 (In percent of GDP) 4.4 3.1 1.9 0.5 -0.1 Capital account -2.0 -4.4 -7.5 -2.1 3.0 Overall balance 2.6 0.4 -4.2 -1.1 2.8 Financing gap 0.0 0.0 4.3 3.4 0.8 (End-of-period, in billions of U.S. dollars) Debt and reserves Gross official foreign assets 25.7 27.8 29.2 31.1 33.6 (in months of imports) 6.7 6.5 6.3 6.1 6.0 Liquid reserves 20.3 25.0 26.5 28.4 31.7 (end-of-period, in months of imports) 5.3 5.8 5.7 5.5 5.6 (as percent of short-term debt) 47.1 73.4 89.1 91.5 103.7 Debt service ratio (in percent) 4/ 39.1 34.8 29.9 27.3 35.0 Public debt (in percent of GDP) 103.4 96.0 93.4 87.3 79.5 Of which: external 51.0 38.6 38.5 36.8 34.3 Sources: Data provided by the Indonesian authorities; and IMF staff estimates and projections. 1/ Fiscal years for 1998/99 and 1999/00 (fiscal year starts on April 1) and calendar years for 2000 to 2002, with the exception of the fiscal projections for 2000 which are based on the 9-month fiscal year from April to December. 2/ From 2000 onwards, it includes financing gap. 3/ Adjusted for transfers to IBRA. 4/ In percent of exports of goods and nonfactor services. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ From rob@essential.org Mon, 7 Feb 2000 11:49:04 -0500 (EST) Date: Mon, 7 Feb 2000 11:49:04 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] Clinton admin seeks more HIPC money > > WASHINGTON -(Dow Jones)-U.S. Treasury Secretary Lawrence Summers said > Tuesdaythat President Bill Clinton will ask Congress for significantly > greater funding for the so-called Heavily-Indebted Poor Countries project. > > Attending a HIPC (debt relief) reception at the Capitol building, Summers > announced the administration will make a supplemental request for $210 > million to be added to the $123 million already allocated for debt relief > in the budget for 2000. "In the upcoming budget request for fiscal 2001, > we will ask for a further $225million to make good on our commitment to > HIPC going forward," Summers said. > > Of the total sought for 2001, $150 million would be paid into the HIPC > trust > fund established by the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank for > debt relief. The remaining $75 million would be used to forgive debts > owed directly by poor nations to the U.S. "To underscore our commitment > to seeing this initiative through, (Clinton) is also requesting $375 > million in fiscal year 2001 in advance appropriations for these two > elements of HIPC," the Treasury secretary added. > > Summers said the White House also wants Congress to allow the IMF to have > access to all the proceeds earned through the revaluation of about 11 > million ounces of IMF gold. Under an agreement struck last November > between the White House and Republicans, the IMF is allowed to draw upon > two-thirds of the proceeds of the gold revaluation, with the remaining > funds to be freed only after review of the debt relief initiative by > Congress in May. > > Summers said success of the debt relief effort hinges on funding by the > world's wealthier nations, and that proposed debt forgiveness for Bolivia, > Guyana, Honduras and Nicaragua "will not happen" if the U.S. doesn't make > good on its funding commitments. > > (Copyright (c) 2000, Dow Jones & Company, Inc.). > > Source: DOW JONES INTERNATIONAL NEWS 01/02/2000 > From rob@essential.org Mon, 7 Feb 2000 12:08:36 -0500 (EST) Date: Mon, 7 Feb 2000 12:08:36 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] South pushes for voice in IMF succession (fwd) Feb. 3 2000 Developing states seek more say in IMF By Janet Guttsman WASHINGTON: Developing countries are fed up with being bossed around by their rich partners at the International Monetary Fund and want more say in who becomes the next head of the institution, a senior IMF official said. The official, who asked not to be identified, said on Tuesday the 11 IMF executive board members from developing countries were lobbying their richer partners to present more than one candidate for the position, which falls vacant on February 14. It was the latest in a series of attempts by developing countries to speak with a single voice at multilateral institutions and at international gatherings like the 1999 trade talks in Seattle. It could complicate the rich world's negotiations on who should succeed France's Michel Camdessus. ``Our objective should be finding the best man for the job, regardless of nationality,'' the IMF official said. The execitive board is the body formally responsible for appointing a new managing director to replace Camdessus, who steps down this month after 13 years. It comprises 24 individuals from imf member countries, most of whom represent a constituency of countries and 11 of whom have clubbed together in what they call the G-11. ``We will not accept a situation where a name is put before the board selected by a sub-group of the membership, presenting board members with a fait accompli,'' the IMF official said. ``We would like to have more than one name for the board to decide on. We would like these names to be given in advance so we have an opportunity for a period of time after the names are announced to consult with our authorities.'' The post of imf managing director has traditionally gone to a European, just as an American traditionally heads the World Bank. Germany, arguing that it is time a German won a top international job, nominated finance ministry official Caio Koch-Weser -- and Berlin has lobbied for him fiercely. International resistance to Koch-Weser was fading and developments were ``increasingly positive,'' finance ministry spokesman Torsten Albig said Tuesday. Opponents argued the German candidate, who spent 25 years at the World Bank, did not have the right qualification to head the IMF because he came from a development institution and not from a monetary one. Koch-Weser, in an interview on Monday with the International Herald Tribune, rejected charges he was not big enough for the job. He said his priorities would be to refocus the IMF on key mandates of surveillance, crisis prevention and making the IMF the focal point for transparency in international finance. The IMF official said the developing countries in the executive board had carefully refrained from commenting on individual candidates for the high-profile job. He admitted their share of votes would not be enough to block a Koch-Weser appointment, but hoped it would send a signal. ``Our voice must be heard,'' he said. An IMF source said reservations from developing countries appeared to be one reason why France and the US had been so lukewarm about the German candidate --the two countries effectively acted as lightning rods to channel views from the developing world. (Reuters) From rob@essential.org Wed, 9 Feb 2000 12:29:32 -0500 (EST) Date: Wed, 9 Feb 2000 12:29:32 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] World Bank, IMF Support Debt Relief for Uganda, Bolivia World Bank, IMF Support Debt Relief for Uganda, Bolivia WASHINGTON (Feb. 8) XINHUA via NewsEdge Corporation - The World Bank's International Development Association (IDA) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) agreed Tuesday to support a debt reduction package for Uganda under the enhanced Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative. In net present value (NPV) terms, total relief under the enhanced HIPC Initiative is worth nearly 700 million U.S. dollars, equivalent to 38 percent of Uganda's total NPV debt outstanding at the end-June 1999. This is expected to translate into debt service relief over time of about 1.3 billion dollars. This amount is in addition to the 650 million dollars (347 million dollars in NPV terms) of relief provided in April 1998 under the original HIPC Initiative. Total debt service relief under the original and enhanced HIPC frameworks will yield approximately 2 billion dollars. On the same day, the IDA and the IMF also agreed to support Bolivia's eligibility for a debt reduction package under the enhanced HIPC Initiative. In NPV terms, total relief under the enhanced HIPC Initiative from all of Bolivia's creditors would amount to 854 million dollars, equivalent to around 30 percent of total debt outstanding at the end of 1998. This is expected to translate into debt service relief over time of close to 1.3 billion dollars. This amount is in addition to the approximately 760 million dollars (448 million dollars in NPV terms) of relief provided one year ago under the original HIPC Initiative. In all, the NPV of Bolivia's external public debt is estimated to be reduced by 35 percent under the original and enhanced HIPC Initiative, which is on top of 17 percent debt reduction already provided under traditional debt relief mechanisms. The HIPC Initiative was launched by the World Bank and the IMF in 1996 as the first comprehensive effort to eliminate unsustainable debt in the world's poorest, most heavily indebted countries. From rob@essential.org Wed, 9 Feb 2000 12:30:39 -0500 (EST) Date: Wed, 9 Feb 2000 12:30:39 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] Nigeria expects IMF agreement by end-March [B] Obasanjo says Nigeria expects IMF agreement by end-March By Agence France-Presse Paris--Feb 8--Visiting Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo said Tuesday he expected to strike an accord with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) concerning economic reforms in Nigeria by the end of March. " We have virtually concluded an agreement with the IMF," Obasanjo told reporters after meeting with members of the French business leaders' organization MEDEF. Obasanjo, on a 3-day visit to France, is seeking to alleviate his country's massive foreign debt estimated at $34 billion. The bulk of the debt is owned to creditor nations of the Paris Club. Obasanjo's entourage said earlier this week that the United States and leading European nations had made it clear that an agreement between Nigeria and the Paris Club was a precondition for fresh support from the IMF and the World Bank. The Paris Club, however, indicated Monday that no meetings were planned during Obsanjo's visit. An official said that the Paris Club would discuss easing the terms of Nigeria's debt once the IMF decides on needed economic reforms. Obasanjo, who is in France to drum up investment, has stressed during his visit that he would be unable to bring his country out of its economic slump without outside help. He met Monday with French counterpart Jacques Chirac and Prime Minister Lionel Jospin, both of whom assured him of their country's support. "France is trying to convince the International Monetary Fund and the Paris Club of creditor nations that a mutually acceptable solution must be found," Jospin told Obasanjo. He and Chirac also paid tribute to Obasanjo for democratizing his country, embracing market reforms and fighting rampant corruption. "He has come to symbolize the return to democracy in Africa's most populous country," Jospin said. Obasanjo was scheduled Tuesday to meet with various French business officials. Trade between France and Nigeria stood at 7.7 billion francs ($1.1 billion dollars) in 1998. On Wednesday, Obasanjo is to visit the Aerospatiale and Airbus Industrie plants in Toulouse in southwestern France, from where he will depart for a one-day visit to Portugal. End From rob@essential.org Wed, 9 Feb 2000 12:31:49 -0500 (EST) Date: Wed, 9 Feb 2000 12:31:49 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] Kenya asks for IMF support under new poverty and growth facility [B] Kenya asks for IMF support under new poverty and growth facility By Horace Awori, Bridge News Nairobi--Feb 8--Kenya has asked the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for support under the Poverty Reduction and Growth Facility, Finance Minister Chris Okemo announced here Tuesday. The World Bank has been asked for a program loan for budget support. But, he said, the IMF and the World Bank both require the country's Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) before the request can be considered formally. The paper outlines Kenya's medium-term growth targets, inflation targets and sector policies, programs, activities and time-scales, involved in the poverty-reduction initiative. "We have prepared a preliminary draft interim PRSP which will undergo intensive discussion within the government over the next 2 weeks. We have received very useful input from the IMF and the World Bank on this," said the minister. A draft of the paper will be discussed with parliamentarians, key donors, non-governmental organizations, and private sector organizations before the end of February, the minister said. Analysts noted that this was at the insistence of the two Bretton Woods institutions. "After extensive consultations with stakeholders, we shall revise the interim PRSP by the end of March," added the minister. "But the interim paper will be the basis for completing our discussions with IMF and the World Bank from the end of March/beginning of April," he said. He said broad policy priorities in the interim PRSP will be reflected in the public expenditure plans in the 2002-01 government budget. End Send comments to Internet address:emerg@bridge.com Kenya news stories from Bridge News Media://NewsSearch::/Source=mar/ String=Kenya/go/newest/Search Kenya news stories from all vendors Media://NewsSearch::/String=Kenya/go/Search From rob@essential.org Wed, 9 Feb 2000 12:32:07 -0500 (EST) Date: Wed, 9 Feb 2000 12:32:07 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] Camdessus's final DC news conference (fwd) PRESS CONFERENCE REMARKS BY MICHEL CAMDESSUS IMF Managing Director Tuesday, February 8, 2000 Washington, D.C. [TRANSCRIPT PREPARED FROM A TAPE RECORDING.] MR. DAWSON: Today is another one of our regular press briefings; however, Michel Camdessus, who's the Managing Director of the Fund for the last 13 years, is joining us today for his last official press event in Washington. As I think you all know, Mr. Camdessus, the seventh and longest-serving Managing Director of the Fund, will be leaving us on February 14th. His career has been distinguished and memorable and he's done much to promote a more open, transparent and effective Fund. On behalf of the staff and management of the External Relations Department, we'd like to thank him for his help and support in this effort, and of course we wish him well. I'm sure that the Managing Director now has a few remarks before we open the floor to questions. Again, as is standard, when the questioning begins, please identify yourself and your affiliation, and the briefing is embargoed until 15 minutes after its conclusion, and we'll set a specific time when we conclude. Mr. Managing Director. MR. CAMDESSUS: Thank you, sir. You see how nice they are, and you see how nostalgic I can be in leaving this institution. But my only purpose this morning is to bid farewell to all of you and to tell you my thanks for your attitude toward the Fund, and myself, during my long stay here. You have been very fair, you have been very professional, and you have been very courteous, and I tell you that because I believe that. It's exactly that. I'll give you, immediately, a scoop. On Tuesday morning, the 15th of February, I will be a nonentity. You will hear no more about me. So, today, I can really speak my mind. This morning, I had a few minutes to think about this occasion, and I was reviewing what has been my experience with you, from the first day. Well, I remember I was a little bit uneasy the first time I came. After that, you have certainly perceived that I was enjoying each experience with you, and excited, each time, that I had certainly not a very tense face in coming to see you. On the contrary, each time I came with an expectation of some kind of a debate, some kind of fun, as always, in a debate among honest people. At the beginning I was a little bit uneasy, I must confess. First, I had a terrible problem of language. My English was even worse than my English now. Those who are recent in their job of covering the Fund must imagine what it could have been. So this was a problem. But I saw, rapidly, that asking you how do you put that in English was a good way of having a few seconds to think more, and of course all of you have identified that, at times, it could have been a trick of mine. If my successor uses the same trick, please show the same forbearance with him as you had with me when I used that trick. I had another one. I was split between two things. One, my hereditary gene--the son of a journalist, who likes the press, has an understanding of the press and has only positive feelings about the press and media. I had that in one part of my heart, and certainly very deep. It was genetic. But I also had a recent experience of three years as a central banker. Thirteen years ago, in central banking, the virtue was not transparency but secrecy, and if you had been a "fly on the wall" of our secret meetings--central bankers like very much secret meetings--you would have heard that the challenge among ourselves was who would be the most secretive of all of us, and of course there was always somebody who had been more secretive than you. So I was split between these two things in my mind. But you convinced me, promptly, that I would have to go back to my genes, and my inclination to speak as much as possible, and you have given me, generously, the benefit of the doubt, and I have tried of course never to abuse it. Well, now, at the end of this experience, I have a feeling of success, and another one of failure, and of course I see at the word "failure" you start taking notes. No? I have observed this inclination of yours. [Laughter.] MR. CAMDESSUS: A sense of success. I believe you will recognize that we have made this institution distinctly more transparent. I have been preaching the golden rule of transparency to the world since the Mexican crisis at least, and we have tried to give as much as allowed by our membership to make this institution totally transparent. We have tried that, and I think further steps are certainly needed, but we are truly moving in the direction of success and a positive change in the Fund. The failure is that in spite of that, we have not been able to change attitudes toward the image of this institution. There are still people around the world who can, without provoking an outcry, say that the IMF kills babies. You have old demagoguery of the world pretending that we don't serve the common good. You have vested interests in the world trying to destroy us because of course they know that we destroy them. You cannot go and confront the family monopolies in Indonesia, or the chaebols in Korea, and so on, without, well, provoking some adverse, negative campaigns. And of course we suffer a lot. It's possibly the price of a very strong contribution to the international common good, and of course there are crosses you are proud to carry from time to time on your shoulders, because it is the price of the common good. But, indeed, we will have to continue working hard to explain that what is being done here, together with the efforts of our friends at the World Bank, to explain that all these necessarily tough programs serve a common good. And if we see today--and of course I am happy to leave in such a context--the world economy exceeding all forecasts for growth in an extremely widespread way, be it in Asia, be it in Latin America, be it in Africa, be it in former Soviet Union, and be it in Eastern Europe, it is, I presume the effect of our efforts and of the actions of the very valiant, courageous, professional staff of this institution, and I am proud to say that. Well, this institution is challenged every day, and it must be. This is why I attach such importance to maintaining with all of you a tradition of mutual trust. You have been very generous in giving me your trust. I thank you for that. Now, in terms of media, I am very happy to leave the Fund, not only at a time that the world situation is good, but at a time when there is not so much talk about the Fund around the world--be it in Asia, where we were so bitterly criticized, be it in Latin America, or be it even in Africa. This, to me, is a confirmation of what my eminent friend, Stan Fisher, used to say, and he has already told you that, I presume--namely, that when you have a crisis, and when difficult measures are announced, these are the IMF's policies. But when success starts emerging, and developing, and the skies are better and more sunny, then the policies are the policies of the country, and you don't hear any more about the IMF. It's what we call our ultimate objective, which is ownership. The countries then own their policies and their success, and we are happy to see that, and people forget about us. This being said, I don't forget 100 percent, and I must tell you that I had two extremely rewarding occasions this last month. One was the Libreville meeting with 20 African heads of state, and 45 countries, in reality, at the highest level, meeting about how to do the best out of the new set of instruments we have put in place for debt reduction and growth in the poorest countries. It was their meeting, and you heard about the Libreville declaration, which was their declaration. I urge you to reread it and to compare it with what the Ministers of Finance of Latin America have said in Cancun. There, also, it was "their communiqu," not the communiqu of the Interim Committee or of the Executive Board of the Fund. Read that, and you will see that there is a silent revolution going on in the world. That what we have tried to promote is a kind of second generation of reform based on stronger institutions, better governance, fights against corruption, more transparency, economic policy focused on poverty alleviation, and the reduction of inequalities around the world. All of that is starting to take shape and it's owned by these countries. Three years ago, you wouldn't have had many African heads of state launching a powerful fight against corruption. Now they do that together. Now Latin American countries join forces, including with the Caribbean countries, to fight corruption and money laundering, and promote good governance. All of that I think is good and positive for the world. But of course industrial countries and our institutions must play their part, corresponding to the effort of these developing countries, and I'm happy, today, to leave you the very day when I am able to tell you the three first cases of implementation of HIPC No. 2--Uganda, Bolivia, and Mauritania--have just been decided by our Executive Board. It's not the end of the fight, and a lot, for 15 years, at least, will have to be done, for this difference to be discernable by the man in the street, possibly, and I say 15 years, because this is 2015, and you know my fight, together with all my colleagues of the Fund, for at least having the world delivering on its pledges. We shouldn't allow the world to be cynical about the pledges of the big UN conferences of the last 10 years. We must have extreme poverty reduced by half by the year 2015. You have, all of you, in your book these seven pledges. Let's go for that. It is possible. We have committed that. If we don't respect them, we will have a really big threat to the very fabric of international cooperation and the conditions for the world. But I believe it is still feasible. I will go with this message next Sunday to Bangkok, where I will have to speak for a last time to the UN family of institutions and members on the occasion of UNCTAD X. There is, indeed, the possibility of doing that, and in doing that, enacting all of these pledges, you can trigger a new dynamism in the world, and this new paradigm of development we have tried to develop during all this last year. How to make the fight against poverty and inequality in the world serving more high-quality growth in these countries. This is a fight of every day. You will have always against these strategies all the demagogues of the world, all the arms traders in the world, all the populist, charismatic leaders of the world, but our institutions must go that way, knowing that at the end of the day, it is for them the only way in delivering on their purposes. So I am going for a big sermon, finally. Thank you very much. A QUESTIONER: I was interested in your response to a letter that you may have seen by now, it went out to members of the formerly Interim Committee and of the International Finance and Monetary Committee as well as Executive Directors of the IMF. It called on the IMF to have a more open and transparent process for choosing a new Managing Director, and one of the points they made is that they believe that the Executive Board decisions should have recorded votes, both for the selection of the next Managing Director, and going forward in all votes. MR. CAMDESSUS: I have not seen the letter you are talking about, but I hope that the next IMFC will want to review this, to my judgment, too-protective process of selection of a Managing Director, and, well, draw appropriate lessons from that. But you will certainly understand that as we are now at a critical moment of this process, it wouldn't be proper for me, even if I have very precise ideas about that, to make the process even more complicated, by introducing my personal views in this discussion. You know pretty well that the MD of the Fund has very broad prerogative and powers in selecting all the staff of the Fund, and I have done that to the best of my ability. But the only person he does not appoint is his successor. So on that, I must remain discrete. A QUESTIONER: Can you address the idea of recorded votes by the Executive Board? MR. CAMDESSUS: No, I will not comment on that for obvious reasons. A QUESTIONER: Seattle seemed to bring home to a lot of people, if remarks at the Davos conference are any indication, the fact that there is a lot more attention being paid to the global institutions--such as the WTO and, now, some of the protest groups are thinking of the meetings in April of the IMF. What should the IMF do, in a proactive sense, to get its message across, that it is doing the right thing, or what it considers to be the right thing? Is it actually doing that? Is it thinking ahead to these sort of concerns? Is it taking any heed out of what happened in Seattle? MR. CAMDESSUS: Thank you very much. First of all, what the IMF must do every day is more transparency and I would like to express my thanks to the External Relations Department, which during the past 13 years, has done with the modest means put at its disposal by our budget, done everything it could to do the job and to communicate and disseminate the realities of the Fund. I wouldn't say the messages of the Fund. The realities of the Fund. And I must, in particular, pay tribute to what Tom Dawson has done in the few months since he has been here. I don't need to tell you that. You have perceived a remarkable new impulse given, and I am immensely grateful to him for having presided over that. Now we will never have the means to match, dollar by dollar, if I may say so, all the campaigns around, which are not, all of them, as you know, those of generous, disinterested, idealistic NGOs. Behind many clamors, there are also vested interests, and we shouldn't be naive about that. It's part of life. It's our universe. It must be known. But we should take seriously what Seattle told us, and you will do me this justice to recognize that I have not waited for Seattle to tell us that the world, the people of the world, want to see the Fund seen as more accountable. You remember that for years, I have been pressing, for instance, the Interim Committee at that time, to establish the so-called council for the responsibility to be seen where effectively it is. We are accountable. We are accountable to 182 countries of the world, and they take every day, interestingly enough, frequently by consensus, all the decisions of this institution. But it happens that, well, because it's difficult and because politicians are politicians, they don't always take responsibility for what is being done here. I cannot ask them to stand up and to say how great the IMF is, when the IMF is fighting the monopolies in Indonesia or the chaebols in Korea, and trying to promote more openness, a level playing field in countries which, for so long, have developed an incestuous relationship between government, banks, and enterprises. This is life. Nevertheless, we must continue pressing for that. I do believe that Seattle tells us something about the need for establishing clearer rules of the game, on where are the responsibilities for the economic governance of the world. You have read my speeches, you know what I think about that. I think if the world were to go in that direction, not instantly, but, nevertheless, then things would be clearer. We will always have the extremely difficult problem of listening, and taking in proper consideration--in our process of reflection and decision making--both the views of governments that are sitting on our boards, and the elected bodies behind them, and the views of the civil society. It's an extremely complicated thing. We shouldn't allow the demonstrators in the street to intimidate those who are democratically elected and responsible to their people, but, nevertheless, we must be very sensitive and attentive to what all these NGOs, academia, and all those tell us, because there you have certainly questions for the future to take seriously into consideration, and I believe the world must find a response to this extremely difficult, underlying, reconciliation problem. This being said, we shouldn't be naive, and when talking about Seattle, I must say that I spoke only three minutes in Seattle, but said something very simple. That to paralyze the body which has just been created to introduce a little bit more fairness and regulation in the international trade, to paralyze it, or to kill it, just five years after its creation--it's certainly not the good response. Second, to paralyze it to the extent of not allowing an immediate decision on opening the major industrial countries' markets to the products of the poorest countries, a decision which we pressed for having in the agenda of Seattle, is totally inconsistent with the decision we have taken a few months before, to reduce the debt of the poorest. It's a mockery of the reduction of the debt, to simultaneously not to take the decision on the trade domain, because it is the opening of the trade which finally will make the difference, if they can't sell their products. So you have this contradiction there. These things must be handled. I hope that Bangkok, in the near future, plus the good sense of the people around the world, will allow us to overcome this problem. I trust that the WTO will be able to restart the millennium round, soon. It is necessary. But there is also a contradiction in trying to promote good governance and growth in Africa, and not acting more efficiently to promote peace in Africa. Development and peace are the two faces of the same coin. You cannot have the one without the other. Peace is the other name of development in the same way as development is the other name of peace. We must go for that. A QUESTIONER: Secretary Summers, a month ago or so, proposed some rather fundamental changes in how the Fund might operate, and as you know he is not the only one who's proposing that. Can you tell us where you stand on that at the end of your tenure here? MR. CAMDESSUS: As you said, Secretary Summers made very interesting proposals. He is not the only one, and I thought, at the very end of my stay here, that I had also to say what I see as indispensable to do, and you have probably observed that I coincide, in many respects, with the views, offered by Secretary Summers. There are things I perceive differently, because he is in charge of the Treasury of a country, the most important country of the world, by its wealth, and a shareholder of the Fund; but here, my perception is one of 182 countries together, with a need of optimizing the synergies among them. So the angles are different, and all of that must be thought out and taken into consideration. My views are now there. I have expressed them at least on two occasions, recently. In the last week in front of the Council of Foreign Relations in New York. Later in the week, in a speech, a little bit more philosophical, at Georgetown University. I know that in putting my views so clearly, I have defined for my successor the labors of Hercules--no? But you will observe that I put only ten Herculean tasks on his shoulder, while, normally, I should have put twelve. I want you, and all of us in the world to define the two which are missing. I have a few ideas about that. A QUESTIONER: Please allow me to ask a rather parochial question. You have been a kind of symbolic figure to the Korean people during these years, and Korea's sudden collapse, and sudden resurgence. Korea is now experiencing rapid growth and rapid recovery, the stock market is booming, and many people are now saying that Korea actually [inaudible] from the IMF. But I wonder whether the Korean crisis is really over and if now is the time to forget about the IMF. So I'd like to know the terminology of "graduation." Is there that kind of terminology in the IMF? MR. CAMDESSUS: It's an academic term, as you know, and this is not academia. I will tell you a few things. First of all, I am delighted for the Korean people, to see what I see in Korea, and this is due, let me put that on record, in some part, perhaps, to the good perception by the staff of the IMF and its Executive Board, of what were the problems and where action had to be put, urgently. But it is chiefly due to the courage, the sense of sacrifice, of the people of Korea, and to the leadership of President Kim Dae Jung, and his government. You were fortunate, in Korea, to have such a man to take the helm just at that very moment. History will remember that. Now, yes, the resurgence is there, with stability, and all the prospects for higher quality growth in Korea. This being said, the effort in economic life is never over. Economies change. Environments change. Always vigilance is in order. I believe that Korea can forget about the IMF. I believe you can forget about the IMF. But please, don't forget the policies you have adopted, the reforms you have launched. There are still things to do, particularly for corporate restructuring, for consolidating the financial sector, for maintaining the proper budgetary and financial discipline, for continuing, strengthening your social policies. But knowing President Kim Dae Jung, knowing your government, knowing the good sense of the Korean people, I have no doubt that these things will be well-taken and the effort maintained. This is my definition of graduating. Graduation of a country, a country renouncing IMF financing at the end of the program, is for the IMF the most splendid victory. Normally, at the end of a program we expect countries to graduate. In general, they ask us to stay a little bit more because they are intimidated by the risk of the world, because they feel, they perceive their remaining weaknesses, and then, from time to time, frequently, we accept to prolong the programs or to go for another program. But when a country asks us to graduate, we say hallelujah, and we are delighted, a little bit, with the traditional discretion of the IMF to cry victory with the country, provided graduation is about forgetting the IMF, but not forgetting its policies. MR. CAMDESSUS: And of course what I say about Korea will apply soon, I presume, to Thailand, and I will cry the same hallelujah that very day, and I hope it will apply to many other countries, and we will be able to develop, as suggested, in some way, by Secretary Summers--I say that in passing--a kind of relationship which is basic in the structure of the IMF, namely, a relationship based on continuous, mutually trustful dialogue on the policies, on the environment, on what should be done, without necessarily implying IMF resources, disbursements. A QUESTIONER: I'd like to ask you something about the Japanese economy because of the [inaudible] policy and a series of fiscal stimulants [inaudible] Japanese economy has just begun improving. Do you have any advice to the Japanese government to make sure [inaudible] recovery? MR. CAMDESSUS: As Mr. Dawson asked you at the beginning of our meeting, I am not coming here for the world economic outlook. I am here for bidding farewell and reflecting a little bit on my experience with all of you. I have answered this issue in Tokyo, recently, after the G7 meeting, and you can imagine, two weeks after I have not changed my mind. Thank you. A QUESTIONER: The relations between the IMF and Russia in the last decade were very dramatic. There were a lot of ups and downs, bombs and hurdles on the road, and as we see the results are not too positive. MR. CAMDESSUS: Are not too positive? A QUESTIONER: Not too positive. MR. CAMDESSUS: Are they that negative? A QUESTIONER: Yes, I think that, in general, they are more negative than positive. What are the main lessons for the IMF and for Russia over these relations during your tenure? And do you think that there were any mistakes on the side of the IMF in dealing with Russia during this period, and what are the main mistakes you think there were? Thank you. MR. CAMDESSUS: Well, let me tell you that it showed that the glass is, at most, half full. The first obvious lesson is that when you try to help a country out of 70 years of a Marxist-Leninist regime, under all its guises, including the decrepitude of the Brezhnevian era, you are not in a business as usual operation. If I regret something, it's possibly to have shared, somewhat, the illusion of everybody in the world, including Russia, that this could be done rapidly. Possibly it could have been done rapidly if everybody had felt as mobilized for change as the IMF was. If everybody had taken as many risks for change in Russia as we did. But this was not the case. We were frustrated, many times, by half-hearted implementation of the agreed programs of the Russian authorities. We were disappointed by the lack of support, of sufficient support by the state Duma for these policies. By the delays in adopting the indispensable legislation for establishing a level playing field. Was that a reason for us to say [foreign phrase], to say, well, they don't deliver, let them go their way. MR. DAWSON: The translation is "Enough already." [Laughter.] MR. CAMDESSUS: No, the role of this institution is to continue working, and working hard, whatever the frustration, to create the conditions, one way or another, of a resurgence, of a renaissance, and I feel proud to have done that. Of course you will have the impression that it is not that much of a change. But Russia is a country where the democratic rules for elections of a president are not challenged. Russia is a country where the basic principles of a market economy are not challenged, and where the government now, and all political forces now recognize that the only route for the future is reform, further integration in the world economy. That by continued support, well, with discontinuities in many occasions as you know, and at this time, still, we are in a episode of discontinuity in the financing, but not in the dialogue. But I believe the price we have paid, this price of continued support, and, at times, the blame for supporting you is a little price compared to what is achieved. After all, your country needs democracy, your country needs a market economy, your country needs a conception of the economy with demand at the center. This is the thing to which you have given some chances. So I wait with great tranquility the judgment of history, which must come in due time, and I will remind you of my favorite quote of Chou En-lai. You know that, the comment of Chou En-lai about the French Revolution, a little bit before he passed away, saying, well, 200 years after the French Revolution, it is possibly a little bit premature to pass a final judgment on it. MR. DAWSON: One last question. A QUESTIONER: If you'll permit me, Mr. Camdessus, I would like to return, very briefly, to the world economic outlook, because last week, in Cancun, you were very upbeat in saying the Fund is revising its forecast up, and, today, also, you said the world is doing better. How concerned are you that a wild card factor such as the oil price, the rise in the oil price, could derail this scenario, because it's been going up, inexorably. It's got to be inflationary, globally. Are you concerned about it? Do you think something should be done? MR. CAMDESSUS: Well, I can tell you that this is one of the question marks of this very moment--no doubt. I am comforted when I see the future markets' pricing, what I see the consensus of all market specialists about the evolutions which are most probable for the future. Nevertheless, no one can be sure, and this is why, on one side, I understand, and approve the prudence of the central banks in the world, which wanted to take any necessary step to keep inflation in check, and on the other side, I salute the efforts of many oil-producing countries in the world--not all--but several of them, who are taking steps to diversify their economies, and to be in a better shape the day when the price of oil could go down again. And here, I can tell you that we have engaged in a regional dialogue with the Gulf oil-producing countries for some time, and I am delighted to see that all of them go to a medium-term strategy, trying to protect themselves against new misfortunes in that market. So we must prepare for the two alternatives and then the world could avoid major problems in the future. MR. DAWSON: Thank you very much. If I could just make one brief announcement. For those of you who may have missed anything or would like to see this again, in keeping with new technology the press conference will be transmitted on our Web site, Webcast on our Web site at about 3:30 or so this afternoon, and if any of you don't know how to reach our Web site, we have our standard advertisement for the Web site back here. The embargo will be lifted at 11:15. Thank you very much. [End of Press Conference.] - - - From rob@essential.org Wed, 9 Feb 2000 15:06:51 -0500 (EST) Date: Wed, 9 Feb 2000 15:06:51 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] IMF brought poverty to Zambia Zambia IMF reforms have brought poverty, says Chiluba The Post of Zambia (Lusaka) February 9, 2000 By Bivan Saluseki Lusaka - President Frederick Chiluba yesterday blamed the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for the current economicproblems Zambia was facing. Receiving credentials from Nigerian Ambassador to Zambia Ibironke Vaughan- Adefope, President Chiluba said thereforms that IMF asked Zambia to undertake have instead brought unemployment and a rise in poverty levels. He said the Western countries told Zambia "to do certain things" which have instead brought problems. President Chiluba said the countrys privatising of almost 90 per cent of the formal sector over the past seven years, hasbrought a lot of problems. He cited the loss of jobs and rising poverty among Zambians as the effects of reforms that Zambia was currentlyundertaking. "Then we are told, no, no, no, Africa needs to embrace the spirit of partnership with NGOs but the NGO where I comefrom, ZCTU also wants increased wages. And then IMF says do not give them, we do not know which way to go,"President Chiluba said. "The problem we have in Africa is that we are rushing reforms as if that is the only panacea tothe problems." President Chiluba said if reforms were rushed and not understood by the people, they may not help the people at all. He also welcomed opposition UNIPs plan to petition the ruling MMDs unopposed victory in the Mfuwe by-electionsas such plans were normal among politicians. He said politics just like football was a game of winning and loosing citing an example of the game Zambia playedagainst Senegal. Ambassador Vaughan-Adefope thanked President Chiluba for the role he has played in mediating among the belligerentsin the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). "To advance the peace process, Nigeria has gladly contributed troops to the Joint Military Commission (JMC)established by the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement to supervise the disarmament of all belligerent troops and ensure ade-escalation of all armed conflict," she said. And new Malawi ambassador Gamaliel Petro Bandawe, who also presented his credentials yesterday, said hisgovernment would conclude the Malawi/Zambia Joint Permanent Commission on Defence and Security including theMalawi /Zambia Bilateral Trade Agreement among others. Bandawe disclosed that Malawi has also sent military personnel to be part of the observer team in that country. Copyright (c) 2000 Post of Zambia. Distributed via Africa News Online (www.africanews.org). For informationabout the content or for permission to redistribute, publish or use for broadcast, contact the publisher. From rob@essential.org Thu, 10 Feb 2000 13:19:43 -0500 (EST) Date: Thu, 10 Feb 2000 13:19:43 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] FW: ECONOMY: Parting Shots from an Impending Non-Entity (fwd) If you weren't up for reading Camdessus's parting remarks, you may prefer this amusing and informative account from Abid Aslam: Copyright 2000, Inter Press Service ECONOMY: Parting Shots from an Impending Non-Entity By Abid Aslam WASHINGTON, Feb 9 (IPS) - Michel Camdessus, outgoing chief of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), says he looks forward to obscurity - but not before firing some parting shots at critics. "I will be a non-entity. You will hear no more about me," Camdessus says, reflecting on his resignation Feb. 15, after 13 years as IMF managing director. Meanwhile, "I can really speak my mind." So what's on the mind of the man who, for many, has come to embody an international campaign to reshape the Third World and former Soviet bloc in the image of a free-market West - and whose agency's name has become synonymous with austerity? Three things: Vested interests, which he sees behind mass uprisings against the IMF's bitter medicine in East Asia; politicians who, as representatives of the Fund's 182 shareholder nations, have shirked responsibility for their own decisions; and the coalition of grassroots groups who, year after year, have assembled outside IMF headquarters here to call for the institution's abolition. "There are still people around the world who can, without provoking an outcry, say that the IMF kills babies," Camdessus laments. In his view, these protestors represent "the old demagoguery of the world pretending that we don't serve the common good." The IMF chief is equally dismissive of Asians who - as the financial crises of 1997-98 unfolded and pushed millions of workers out of their jobs - protested austerity measures and long-term restructuring required in exchange for international bail-outs assembled and supervised by the Fund. "You have vested interests in the world trying to destroy us because, of course, they know that we destroy them. You cannot go and confront the family monopolies in Indonesia, or the chaebols (conglomerates) in Korea, and so on, without, well, provoking some adverse, negative campaigns," he says. Making matters worse for Camdessus, the agency has been left to take the heat for its most unpopular actions. Yet, he asserts, "we are accountable to 182 countries of the world and they take, every day...all the decisions of this institution. But it happens that, well, because it's difficult and because politicians are politicians, they don't always take responsibility for what is being done here." Camdessus, who opted late last year to cut short a term that would have ended in 2002, leaves his successor to deal with the fall-out of investigations into the misuse of international funds by Russian authorities and commercial oligarchs. The next IMF chief also will have to settle running debates between members and staffers who support the Fund's current drift toward development-oriented goals and those who want the agency to return to its original, more narrowly monetary, mandate. First Deputy Managing Director Stanley Fischer will take over as acting chief until the international community can agree on a successor. The appointment process has been fraught with political tension and has been assailed by Third World countries, international aid agencies and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) alike as too secretive and undemocratic. "It is disgraceful that the millions of people living daily under IMF influence have absolutely no opportunity to engage in the process of choosing the managing director," says an open letter from dozens of groups worldwide. Borrowing countries need a greater say in the appointment, the NGOs reason, because these countries have little say in the Fund's executive board, which presides over day-to-day operational decisions. Traditionally, the IMF is headed by a European while its Bretton Woods sibling, the World Bank, is led by a U.S. citizen. German Chancellor Gerhard Schroder is lobbying heavily for Caio Koch-Weser, a deputy finance minister. The German leader reportedly telephoned U.S. President Bill Clinton late last month to say he felt that winning the IMF post was vital for relations between their countries. Camdessus joined the IMF in January 1987, having headed the French Treasury and Bank of France and having presided over meetings of the Paris Club of bilateral creditors. His performance in steering debt reschedulings led some developing countries to support his appointment, but he has since drawn fire for the determination with which he has insisted that poor countries liberalise their markets and financial systems. This approach has been seen as being in lockstep with the U.S. Treasury and, overseas, the Fund increasingly has been considered as a favoured tool of U.S. policy. Yet, the agency and its leader also have grown unpopular here among lawmakers, who have missed no opportunity to snipe at the IMF whenever the U.S. administration has asked them to approve more money for it. Eventually, they have capitulated on almost every occasion. Right-wingers have denounced Camdessus as a socialist while left-wingers have excoriated him as a capitalist. Nationalists here argue the Fund wastes U.S. money and fails to promote U.S. values abroad - even as internationalists decry the heavy hand with which the agency restructures the rest of the world in the U.S. image. Free-marketeers want the IMF to stop bailing out private investors and let them feel the pain of unwise moves rather than encourage moral hazards and repeated mistakes. Populists agree, arguing that public funds have been used to rescue private gamblers. Abolitionists demand that the agency be scrubbed. Reformers see-saw, alternately wanting the Fund to abandon long-term economic policy-making - especially through structural adjustment programmes - and asking it to be guided by the tenets of poverty reduction and sustainable development when establishing programmes in borrowing countries. Everyone seems to agree the agency has been too secretive. "We have made this institution distinctly more transparent," Camdessus insists. "We have tried to give as much as allowed by our membership to make this institution totally transparent." Camdessus's departure long has been rumoured amid growing criticism of the Fund's handling of financial crises which began in Thailand in mid-1997. The IMF assembled international emergency loans of more than 100 billion dollars to stop the trouble, only to watch 40 percent of the global economy get pushed into recession. The Fund is upgrading its current projections of global economic growth, however, and the prospect of sustained recovery reminds Camdessus of a view long expressed by his deputy and interim successor, Fischer. As Camdessus puts it: "When you have a crisis, and when difficult measures are announced, these are (seen as) the IMF's policies. But when success starts emerging...and the skies are better and more sunny, then the policies are the policies of the country and you don't hear any more about the IMF." No hard feelings, though. "It's what we call our ultimate objective, which is ownership. The countries then own their policies and their success, and we are happy to see that, and people forget about us," he says. (END/IPS/12/EF/aa/ks/00) From rob@essential.org Thu, 10 Feb 2000 13:31:23 -0500 (EST) Date: Thu, 10 Feb 2000 13:31:23 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] New Christian Aid report on debt and healthcare To see the full report, go to http://www.christian-aid.org.uk/f_reports.htm Millennium lottery Who lives, who dies in an age of Third World debt? Executive summary All over the world, children's chances of surviving infancy have been steadily improving during our century. As the new millennium dawns, a baby born in Britain will be able to look forward to a rosy future. A boy is likely to live to 74, a girl to 79. Yet in Africa, millions will fail to make it into adulthood. More than 130,000 children die there every week. In Mali a child has a one in seven chance of dying before its first birthday. In the UK it is a mere 1 in 167.0.1 Meanwhile each of us in Britain spends more each year (around 140) on toiletries, medicines and medical costs, including prescriptions and spectacles, than the per capita Gross National Product of countries like Mozambique, Ethiopia and Tanzania.0.2 Why is survival for poor people in Africa getting harder? One clearly identifiable - and solvable -cause is the huge amount of money poor countries are having to pay rich governments and international institutions in debt repayments. The only way most of these countries can pay these sums is to resort to taking the money from their people - by cutting essential services like health and education. The West, led by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), is manifestly letting the people of Africa down. But as the millennium ends, there are signs of hope. 1999 has seen major steps forward in tackling these debts. Both the G8 nations at the summit in Cologne and the IMF at its meeting in Washington seem, on paper at least, to have shifted their thinking. They made promises which could save thousands of lives. Promises have been made before. The president of the World Bank told its governors that he wanted to provide assistance where it would contribute most to 'removing the roadblocks to development'. That was Robert McNamara in 1969. Thirty years on, the hindrances to development are as serious as ever, and fears about the lack of progress are growing. In a letter to Gerhard Schrder, the German chancellor, last June, Chief Emeka Anyaoku, the secretary general of the Commonwealth, said: 'In my travels to various countries, particularly the poorest, I notice a sense of desperation on the part of a number of highly indebted countries about the lack of tangible progress in easing their debt burden.' This report looks at just one issue - health in Africa and, in particular, child health - as a microcosm of the problem. We show the devastating effect of years of impoverishment and the enormous difficulties the poorest countries face in providing even the most basic of services. Some spend as little as 3 a head on health per year.0.3 In the US, health spending per capita is 2,200. The state of child health depends on many factors - including access to clean water, sanitation and education. But if you are a small child and there is no clinic or hospital available when you fall ill with easily curable symptoms like diarrhoea, the chances you will die are very real. This report points to health services as the sine qua non of survival in Africa. Some countries pay more on servicing old foreign debts than on education, health and the whole social sector combined. This is clearly madness. In the words of Professor Venkatesh Seshamani, a leading Zambian economist: 'You cannot have both debt and development - they are antithetical.' The leaders of the G8 nations, the most powerful countries on earth, have finally begun to acknowledge this. In response to public pressure, spearheaded by the campaign by Christian Aid and other members of the Jubilee 2000 coalition, they have promised to help. Jubilee 2000 is calling for a one-off cancellation of debt as a celebration of the millennium. That means this year. Joint - multilateral - decisions may have to wait until the G8 summit in Japan in July. But there is much that could be done before then. The new millennium must begin with new hope. Christian Aid calls upon the British government to unilaterally cancel British debts as a New Year's gift to the poorest peoples of the world. References 0.1 UNDP, Human Development Report 1999. 0.2 Office for National Statistics. 0.3 World Bank 1999, D. Peters et al. 'Health expenditure, services and outcomes in Africa 1990-96'. Contents Please note that the report is around 122KB in size and will take a few seconds to load. Chapter 1: It's a rich man's world Chapter 2: The language of change Chapter 3: The international response... Chapter 4: The economics of poverty Chapter 5: Suffer the little children Chapter 6: Born on the millennium Chapter 7: Why should they have to pay? Chapter 8: Moving to a solution Chapter 9: An action plan Appendices References From rob@essential.org Fri, 11 Feb 2000 11:01:49 -0500 (EST) Date: Fri, 11 Feb 2000 11:01:49 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] Mauritania gets HIPC relief (but not relief from HIPC) Press Release No. 00/9 February 10, 2000 International Monetary Fund 700 19th Street, NW Washington, D.C. 20431 USA Mauritania Qualifies for US$1.1 Billion Debt Relief Under HIPC to Support Poverty Reduction The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank's International Development Association (IDA) have agreed to support Mauritania's eligibility for a debt reduction package under the enhanced Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) initiative. To address fully Mauritania's external debt burden, the fiscal criterion-the ratio of debt to government revenues-is being used to calculate the reduction of the debt in net present value terms. Resources made available from this debt relief will help finance social expenditures, contributing to Mauritania's efforts to reduce poverty. In net present value terms, total relief from all of Mauritania's creditors would amount to US$622 million, equivalent to about 40% of total debt outstanding at the end of 1998. This is expected to translate into debt relief over time of approximately US$1.1 billion, which implies debt service savings of roughly US$36 million per year over the next ten years, or 40% of total yearly debt service obligations. The HIPC initiative was launched by the IMF and the World Bank in 1996 as the first international effort to eliminate unsustainable debt in the world's poorest, most heavily indebted countries. In October, the international community agreed to major enhancements designed to make the initiative deeper, broader, and faster by increasing the number of eligible countries, raising the amount of debt relief each eligible country will receive, and speeding up its delivery. Under the enhanced HIPC initiative, IMF assistance of US$50 million (US$47 million in net present value terms) will be provided to Mauritania, starting in 2000, by covering around one half debt service falling due from then to 2007. IDA's assistance to Mauritania will amount to US$185 million (US$100 million in net present value). This relief would be delivered over 20 years starting in February 2000 and will cover 70% of debt service falling due to IDA. The reduction of Mauritania's debt service to IDA would average about US$9 million per year. Mauritania's assistance under the enhanced HIPC initiative will be confirmed upon the granting of comparable treatment assurances from Mauritania's other creditors. Mauritania has established a good track record of adjustment and reform on the macroeconomic, social, and political fronts. Substantial structural reforms have been implemented and fiscal consolidation has been achieved. Reflecting this effort, GDP has grown by an annual average of close to 5% since 1992 and there has been significant improvement in social indicators, although 50% of the population remains under the poverty line. In line with the enhanced HIPC initiative framework, the Boards of the IMF and IDA supported a floating completion point, which would be triggered by the successful implementation of a set of predefined reforms in the macroeconomic, structural, and social domains. In particular, to achieve the completion point will require the preparation of a fully developed participatory Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) broadly endorsed by the IMF and IDA Boards and successfully implemented for at least one year. The PRSP will also serve as a basis for future concessional assistance from the IMF and World Bank. As noted above, the IMF and the IDA will provide interim relief-between the decision and completion points-and the Paris Club is also expected to do likewise. From rob@essential.org Sat, 12 Feb 2000 11:43:33 -0500 (EST) Date: Sat, 12 Feb 2000 11:43:33 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] stop-imf listserve announcement Dear Friends: Especially as interest grows in the April 16 actions coming up in Washington, D.C., we would like to build the subscription base of stop-imf (now around 500). If you value the listserve, please pass the announcement below to friends, colleagues and relevant lists, and encourage people to join. Thanks. Robert Weissman Essential Information | Internet: rob@essential.org ** LISTSERVE ANNOUNCEMENT ** ** STOP-IMF@LISTS.ESSENTIAL.ORG ** Want to learn more about the International Monetary Fund and Third World debt issues in the run up to the April 16 actions in Washington, D.C.? Then subscribe to stop-imf, a listserve run by Essential Action! Stop-imf@lists.essential.org is an open, moderated listserve which posts newsclips, reports, news releases, updates, urgent actions and analyses on topics relating to the International Monetary Fund (IMF), structural adjustment and Third World debt. It is not a discussion list. Traffic ranges from zero to five messages a day, averaging approximately two a day. To subscribe to stop-imf, send a message to stop-imf-request@lists.essential.org with "subscribe" in the text of the message. Stop-imf archives can be accessed at http://lists.essential.org/pipermail/stop-imf/2000q1/date.html From rob@essential.org Mon, 14 Feb 2000 11:25:03 -0500 (EST) Date: Mon, 14 Feb 2000 11:25:03 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] Guardian: Hunt for Camdessus Replacement Continues The Guardian (London), February 14, 2000 HEADLINE: Bank notes; One of the most important jobs in international finance is up for grabs but the selection process beggars belief BYLINE: Mark Milner and Mark Atkinson Today is the last in Michel Camdessus' long tenure as head of the International Monetary Fund. Though Mr Camdessus gave plenty of notice of his intention to depart, he is still leaving before his successor has been announced. As usual the appointment procedure has become involved in the kind of unseemly backstairs power politicking which is an almost inevitable accompaniment to a change of leadership at any big international institution. At present the frontrunner is a German, Caio Koch Weiser. He has the backing of the German government but so far has yet to clinch the post. Quite why he emerged as the leading candidate is unclear. So, too, is the nature of the obstacle preventing him easing himself into Mr Camdessus' chair. There are, however, vague rumblings that his background as a development economist fits uncomfortably with the vision of US treasury secretary Larry Summer of a purely financial role for the IMF. The selection process illustrates the lack of transparency and accountability that exercised many of the protesters who took to the streets in Seattle at the World Trade Organisation summit at end of last year. The top job at the IMF is 'paired' with that at the World Bank. Tradition has it that the World Bank goes to an American and the IMF to a European. As Mr Camdessus - a Frenchman - had held the post for so long, a view developed that this time another European country should have a turn. Quite how well that played in Paris is another matter. French support for Mr Koch Weiser has been notable by its absence. But it is not just the IMF where the leadership selection is a matter for power broking and political horse trading. Take the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. London won the battle to provide the new bank with a home - even though it is one of the European capitals furthest from the bank's area of operations in central and eastern Europe. Though London's standing as a banking centre played a part in the decision, there is little doubt that it was an early consolation prize for the subsequent decision to site the European Monetary Institute, forerunner of the European Central Bank, in Frankfurt. France's share of the spoils was the appointment of Jacques Attali as the bank's first president. When he departed early and under a cloud, the French government insisted that he should be replaced by another Frenchman, Jacques de Larosierre. But even though the bank's governors knew months in advance that he would be going they were still unable to get his replacement, Horst Kohler, in place until seven months later. The governorship of the European Central Bank was another case in point. At the EMI, an institution whose main role was to mastermind the preparations for the single currency, the presidency went, uncontroversially, to a Belgian, Alexander Lamfalussy. But when the institution turned into the bank which set the euro-zone's interest rates, the fur soon started to fly. The German government, which knew it could not have the bank in Germany and a German in the president's office, opted for the next best thing - Wim Duisenberg, a former head of the Dutch central bank, which is probably the closest in approach to the Bundesbank. The French government, however, was less than happy and fought to get their man, the governor of the Banque de France -Jean-Claude Trichet - into the top ECB job. An unholy row ensued, which rattled the currency markets and put a question mark over the ECB's independence. It was only settled by an uncomfortable compromise under which Mr Duisenberg agreed to step down before the end of his eight-year term to make way for Mr Trichet. Quite when he will step down, however, is still unclear. All that paled into insignificance when it came to replacing Renato Ruggiero as director general of the World Trade Organisation. Resentful at the way they were bossed around by the US treasury and the IMF during the Asian financial crisis, the East Asian countries and Japan nominated the deputy prime minister of Thailand, Dr Supachai Panitchpakdi, in an attempt to break the western stranglehold on top jobs in international financial diplomacy. The Americans, however, wanted their own nominee, Mike Moore, one-time prime minister of New Zealand, to take over from the Italian. The ensuing stand-off lasted three months. Despite calls from Dr Supachai's supporters for the issue to be put to a formal vote of WTO members, it was eventually settled by a back -room deal which split the job between the two men, with each serving three -year terms. The Americans insisted Mr Moore went first. Time wasted squabbling over the WTO leadership meant that preparations for the Seattle trade talks suffered, contributing towards their collapse. Now the most powerful job in international finance, that of IMF managing director, is up for grabs and none of the lessons of previous disputes appears to have been learnt. Rather than have a formal selection procedure, in which candidates of every nationality are invited to apply in an open and transparent way, in the interests of securing the best possible person for the job, the position is to be filled by more unseemly wrangling between European governments. The most important criterion for the job, it seems, is nationality. The developing countries are not impressed and those with seats on the IMF board, normally deferential creatures, have begun to question the democratic legitimacy of the process. The IMF places great emphasis on transparency and accountability and requires borrowing governments to reform their governance systems as a condition of receiving loans. Yet the process is highly secretive and undemocratic. The double standards being applied by the IMF have not gone unnoticed by the protesters who caused so much havoc on the streets of Seattle. Sources in the community of non-governmental organisations say they are already planning their demonstrations for the IMF's spring meeting in Washington in April. But will there be an IMF managing director to listen? Mark Milner is the Guardian's deputy financial editor and Mark Atkinson is economics correspondent From rob@essential.org Mon, 14 Feb 2000 11:33:15 -0500 (EST) Date: Mon, 14 Feb 2000 11:33:15 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] Baker Robert Naiman pies Michel Camdessus All articles Feb. 13 2000 Outgoing IMF Chief Hit With Pie BANGKOK, Thailand (AP) -- The outgoing chief of the International Monetary Fund got a rude retirement present Sunday when an American anti-free trade activist penetrated security at a trade conference and hit him with a pie in the face. Moments before Michel Camdessus was to deliver his last speech as IMF chairman, the activist hurled a fruit-and-cream pie inside the meeting hall where some 190 nations are holding the U.N. Conference on Trade and Development. The action left Camdessus -- seen by many activists as Public Enemy No. 1 for dictating financial policies to poor countries -- and Thailand's tough-talking security officials with pie on their faces. Camdessus has been a prime target of both Thai and foreign anti-free trade activists gathered in Bangkok to demonstrate at the conference, seeking to repeat protests that derailed the World Trade Organization summit in Seattle last year. The pie-thrower, who identified himself as Robert Reuel Naiman, 34, of Washington, D.C., said he performed the stunt to give the IMF chief ``a friendly reminder of what we think of his policies and to give a warning to his successor we expect different policies.'' Camdessus was chatting to delegates in the main conference hall before making a keynote speech when Naiman snuck up beside him and threw a pie with a shout of ``Happy Birthday!'' ``It was a small cake, very tasty,'' Naiman told the ITV television network before he was taken away by security. Naiman had managed to sneak his projectile through a tight security cordon around the Queen Sirikit Convention Center, the site of the conference. Thai police have kept demonstrators away from the immediate area. Naiman was being questioned by U.N. security officials inside the center. National Police Chief Gen. Pracha Promnok said it would be up to the United Nations if they wished to file criminal charges and prosecute him. ``I'm disappointed,'' said Foreign Minister Surin Pitsuwan. ``It's absolutely impossible to prevent such an incident. We have left no stone unturned in our planning and preparation. We have been able to prevent bigger problems.'' The Brussels-based group said it had staged similar attacks at international conferences and called the attack a ``slight and sweet embarrassment'' compared to the tremendous suffering inflicted on poor countries by the IMF. Naiman, who described himself only as a ``private citizen,'' said that he had been at the WTO meeting in Seattle, which ended in acrimony when anti-free trade activists clashed violently with police. Camdessus Defends IMF in Speech BANGKOK, Thailand (AP) -- Giving his last speech as chief of the International Monetary Fund, Michel Camdessus used the occasion Sunday to counter claims that his organization has ignored the concerns of ordinary people. Camdessus said foreign investment in the Third World has enormous potential to close the income gap, while information technology has given poor nations access to knowledge that was once the preserve of the rich. ``Globalization can now be seen in a positive light ... as the best means of improving the human condition throughout the world,'' he said. Camdessus, 66, retiring after heading the IMF since 1987, spoke at the U.N. Conference on Trade and Development shortly after an American anti-free trade activist threw a pie in his face in protest against the IMF. He spoke without mentioning the attack but was passionate in his defense of the fund's goal of stabilizing the global financial system as a prerequisite for reducing inequality in wealth. ``Macroeconomic stability is clearly necessary for growth and hence poverty alleviation,'' Camdessus told delegates from some 190 countries gathered for the eight-day meeting. UNCTAD aims to use trade to promote development in poor countries. Camdessus postponed a news conference that had been scheduled after his speech, which itself was delayed for half an hour after the pie-throwing incident. Critics of the IMF's bailout packages of Asian countries during the recent regional economic crisis see the Washington-based fund as a symbol of how globalization has benefitted rich countries at the expense of the poor. In Thailand, which will leave its IMF-brokered $17.2 billion economic bailout package in June, many people claim the fund's insistence on high interest rates to restore financial stability deepened recession, leading to heavy job losses. IMF chief Camdessus hit with pie at UN trade meet BANGKOK, Feb 13 (AFP) - A protester at a major UN trade talks here threw a fruit pie at International Monetary Fund (IMF) managing director Michel Camdessus Sunday as he entered the conference venue. The mess landed on Camdessus's face and he retreated to a corner of the room to clean himself up, while the lone demonstrator left the scene. The protester, who identified himself as US national Robert Naiman, was apprehended within the building shortly afterwards by security personnel, who had initially moved to surround Camdessus. The IMF chief quickly recovered and resumed his conversation with officials at the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), where he is to deliver a keynote address later Saturday. Naiman told AFP he was acting as a private citizen and not on behalf of any group, but the protest group "Patissiers sans Frontieres" (Bakers without Borders) has issued a statement on the prank. Naiman also said he had demonstrated at the World Trade Organisation talks in Seattle, which were marred by violent demonstrations. "We wanted to tell Mr. Camdessus that we don't appreciate his leadership, because of the destruction IMF policies have caused," he said. "Mr. Camdessus is a servant of rich countries who enact economic policies which hurt the poor. We want to give a warning to his successor that we expect different policies," he said before he was hauled off by police. Camdessus is to step down from his post Monday and his address here will be his last major speech before retiring. UNCTAD's Thai hosts have erected a massive security curtain around the meeting, anxious to prevent a repeat of the violence at Seattle and at the World Economic Forum in Davos last month. However, a thousand activists marched on the conference Saturday calling for radical changes to the global financial system, which they say keeps much of the world locked in poverty. UNCTAD, which has earned a reputation as an advocate of developing nations, is attended by many delegates hostile to the role of world financial bodies. BANGKOK, THAILAND, 13-FEB-2000: US national Robert Naiman (C) is surrounded by Thai and UN security guards after throwing a fruit pie at International Monetary Fund Managing Director Michel Camdessus in Bangkok February 13, 2000. Camdessus was arriving at the conference venue for the 10th United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) to deliver a keynote address. [Photo by Jimin Lai, copyright 2000 by AFP and ClariNet] From rob@essential.org Mon, 14 Feb 2000 11:34:05 -0500 (EST) Date: Mon, 14 Feb 2000 11:34:05 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] IMF backpeddles in Brazil (fwd) IMF Retracts Criticism of Brazil Feb 12 2000 RIO DE JANEIRO, Brazil (AP) -- The International Monetary Fund has retracted criticism of Brazil's anti-poverty plan following an outburst of nationalist indignation and calls for IMF representative Lorenzo Perez to be kicked out of the country. Perez released a statement late Friday saying the government's explanation of the plan had convinced him that it would not endanger Brazil's ability to reduce its debt. Reducing the debt and a chronic budget deficit are parts of Brazil's 1998 agreement with the IMF for a $41.5 billion bailout loan. On Thursday, Perez had openly questioned the wisdom of the proposed 10-year anti-poverty program, which would cost $2.3 billion a year. Most of the money would come from the privatization of government property, which Brazil now uses to defray a huge domestic debt of about $294 billion. ``Brazil already spends a significant amount of money on social programs,'' Perez said in the first statement. ``This money has to be used more effectively.'' The statement managed to unite the political right and left in outrage. Senate President Antonio Carlos Magalhaes of the rightist Liberal Front Party said it was ``undue meddling'' in the nation's affairs. Rep. Jose Dirceu of the leftist Workers Party urged the government to send Perez home. In the 1980s, when Brazil went broke and was bailed out by the IMF, many Brazilians blamed the Washington-based fund for the recession that ensued. IMF-bashing rallies were common. Anti-IMF sentiment erupted again in 1991, when IMF economist Jose Fajgenbaum observed that structural reforms in the economy would require changing the constitution. Then-President Fernando Collor de Mello said Fajgenbaum should ``go reform his own house.'' From rob@essential.org Mon, 14 Feb 2000 14:56:36 -0500 (EST) Date: Mon, 14 Feb 2000 14:56:36 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] Camdessus, with pie on his face, bemoans world poverty This is an UNCTAD release: IMF MANAGING DIRECTOR SAYS EXTREME POVERY COULD NO LONGER BE TOLERATED AS MEANS TO AMELIORATE IT ALREADY EXISTS UNCTAD X Meeting in Bangkok Also Hears Statements By President of Cambodia, President of Conference, UNCTAD Secretary-General Poverty is the greatest threat to stability in a global world, the Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), Michel Camdessus, told the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) this morning in Bangkok. In a keynote address to the Conference, he declared that extreme poverty in the poorest countries could no longer be tolerated since the means to ameliorate it existed. Poverty was no longer inevitable -- if it had ever been. The world had unprecedented prospects, he explained, but it also faced financial instability and exclusion. Although the most severe economic crisis of the last 50 years had been overcome with unprecedented speed, peoples anxiety was not unreasonable. However, if the dynamics of recent history could be identified, a new chance to improve human well-being would be created. Among those dynamics, he said, was a recognition that major economic crisis could be overcome. Another was the new development paradigm that was emerging. A third dynamic was the knowledge that globalization could lead to world progress, if properly handled -- "and that is a big if", he cautioned. Rubens Ricupero, the Secretary-General of UNCTAD, said the present gathering was a good place to conduct a thorough in-depth reflection of the development process -- what went right, what went wrong and why? He called on the Conference to avoid old conceptualizations like "the State versus the market" and face the real challenges of the present, by analysing facts, not ideologies. There was an "arrogant" strain of globalization that endorsed unfettered power of footloose capital, and was only concerned with profit. For UNCTAD, globalization meant interdependence, the mutuality of interest and "win-win" situations. Also addressing the Conference this morning were the President of Cambodia, Samdech Hun Sen, and the President of UNCTAD X, Supachai Panitchpakdi, of Thailand. Finally, the Conference decided to recommend the establishment of a Committee of the Whole, electing Philippe Petit (France) as its Chairman. It elected Mohammad Nahavandian (Iran) as Rapporteur and appointed the following States as Vice-Presidents of the Conference: Bolivia, Burundi, Canada, China, Colombia, Czech Republic, Dominican Republic, Egypt, Ethiopia, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Gabon, Guatemala, Japan, India, Lebanon, Lesotho, Mexico, Netherlands, Nigeria, Norway, Pakistan, Peru, Philippines, Russian Federation, (more) Singapore, Slovenia, South Africa, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, United Kingdom, United States and Uruguay. The Conference will meet again at 3 p.m. today to hear an address by the Prime Minister of Viet Nam, Phan Van Khai, and a statement by former UNCTAD Secretary-General Gamani Corea. It will then begin its general debate. Address by IMF Managing Director Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), MICHEL CAMDESSUS: The world faced a situation at present where there is a promise of unprecedented prospects but also financial instability and exclusion. There are serious reasons for the anxiety felt by some about globalization, even though the world has reasonably overcome, with unprecedented speed, the most severe economic crisis of the last 50 years and even though it enjoys better prospects for sustainable growth. There is a unique opportunity at present -- too good to be missed -- to try to identify the dynamics in recent history, and thereby offer a new chance to improve the well-being of humankind. There is also a unique opportunity to recognize that poverty is the threat to stability in a global world, and that an all out effort is needed to overcome world poverty. Three of the positive dynamics in recent history are that major economic crisis can be overcome and that a stable world can be built on its lessons; that a new development paradigm is emerging; and that we now recognize that globalization, if properly handled -- and that is a big "if" -- can be an opportunity for progress for the world. The resilience of Asian economies to such a severe crisis, the courage of authorities and the capacity of the international community to respond promptly with technical and financial assistance must be noted. While the human cost of the recent financial crisis is to be deplored, by 1999 all economies were recovering and the gross domestic product (GDP) of the Republic of Korea and the Philippines already exceeded pre-crisis levels. Thailand, too, would soon be "graduated maxima cum laude" from the IMF programme. Its economy is on the path of recovery and industrial output is now at pre-crisis level. The Asian nations and emerging markets elsewhere which have confronted the crisis with such fortitude are to be saluted. It is a tribute not only to their governments and institutions but also to their people. We must not pretend the reform process is over, but it is important that economies have stabilized and fundamental changes in finance and corporate sectors have been made. These States have now gained a better chance now of achieving high quality growth. Beyond the recovery, there is another golden opportunity to press for a world less vulnerable to upheaval. There are three basic lessons to be learned from these countries. First, that it is of essential importance to strengthen all available means of prevention, and that institutions must be given these means to prevent crisis. Second, that the strength and determination of governments is of decisive importance in avoiding crisis. Third, that the international community has the ability to respond and thus reduce the length of the crisis. These lesson are an important avenue for stability in the future, and underline the extensive reform agenda for international monetary and financial system which is being implemented. The recoveries rest on, or have developed in parallel with, positive developments in the way the international community approaches its economic challenges. A new paradigm of development is progressively emerging here. A key feature of this is the progressive humanization of basic economic concepts. It is now recognized that markets can have major failures, and that growth alone is not enough and can even be destructive of the natural environment and of social and cultural goods. Only the pursuit of high-quality growth is worth the effort. High-quality growth is growth sustained over time without domestic and external imbalances, but it is also growth that has the human person at its centre. It is accompanied by high levels of investment in education. It is growth that is sustainable, based on continuous efforts for equity, poverty alleviation and for empowerment of poor people, and that promotes the protection of the environment. A second key feature is the convergence between respect for ethical values and the search for economic efficiency and market competition. This augurs well for the highest quality growth. There is now a far wider recognition that participatory democracy can maximize the effectiveness of sound economics, that transparency, openness and accountability are basic requirements of economic success, and that combating collusion, corruption and nepotism is a legitimate concern of the international community. Stability and strong institutions are clearly essential for growth and hence poverty alleviation, but popular support for stabilization and reform cannot be counted on unless the whole population, including the poorest, are able to contribute. In short, a new economic paradigm is emerging. New opportunities arising from information technology, compounded with more reasonable efforts to share the benefits of growth, will amplify economic and monetary stability. The new paradigm is rooted in fundamental human values, and together with a better ability to prevent and manage crisis, it is a distinct and positive chance of our times. A vigorous call to turn globalization into an effective instrument for development can be detected. Globalization can be seen in a positive light -- not as a bland malevolent force. Globalization should be seen as a logical extension of human and economic relations that have already brought prosperity to many countries and people, and as the best means of improving the human condition throughout the world. If such powerful positive dynamics are at play, one must ask why there is such anxiety and rejection of globalization. There is anxiety because globalization has not yet demonstrated that it is concerned enough, or capable of, overcoming the greatest concern of our times -- poverty. Poverty is the ultimate systemic threat facing humanity. Consideration of the positive dynamics makes the lack of pace in reducing poverty all the more unacceptable. The widening gaps between rich and poor within nations and the gulf between affluent and impoverished nations, are morally outrageous, economically wasteful and potentially socially explosive. It is not enough to increase the size of the cake. The way it is shared is deeply relevant. If the poor are left hopeless, poverty will undermine societies through confrontation, violence and civil disorder. We cannot afford to ignore poverty anywhere. The extreme poverty in the poorest countries can no longer be tolerated. We must work together to ameliorate it. The means exist to do this. The information technology revolution reveals its potential daily and could eliminate forever the knowledge gap between rich and poor countries. Global markets can easily allocate resources to poor countries, provided the environment is right, and the poorest countries are more determined than ever to centre their policies on human development. Poverty is no longer inevitable -- if it has ever been. It can be addressed, provided new opportunities are mobilized for the poorest. This can be done by being respectful of priorities of those countries themselves. The best way to respond now -- North and South together -- is to mobilize all our resources at least to implement the not-overly-ambitious pledges already made by States at the United Nations conferences of the 1990s. By taking the necessary steps to this effect immediately -- tomorrow will be too late -- we can significantly increase the chances of a diverse synergy between social spending and growth. We can thereby achieve the higher level of national growth necessary to reduce poverty by half by 2015. And the acceleration of growth in developing countries can stimulate growth everywhere. The principles States committed themselves to in the 1990s must become operational. The challenge is to work together to build developing country capacities to fight poverty and to mobilize resources to support their efforts. Poverty is a challenge that the poor countries must confront themselves. They are on the front line. Many have shown what can be done when the ultimate objective is human development. The content of programmes is important, but so is the degree of national support for them. A programme will only work if people and society support it. Success lies in national ownership through a participatory approach that engages civil society. It is essential to ensure that poor countries are in the drivers seat of the process, and the rest of world should be ready to provide support when a country indicates it needs it. Development partners can assist by assigning the highest priority to providing unrestricted market access for all exports from poorest countries. They can also work to encourage private flows of investment to lower-income developing counties. And they can back up their pledges to reduce poverty, in the North and in the South. Official bilateral creditors and donors should be ready to step up the level of assistance. Aid fatigue is not a credible excuse, but is almost cynicism when, for the past decade, advanced countries have enjoyed the peace dividend. It is no longer fashionable to mention the commitment to provide 0.7 per cent of GDP as overseas development assistance, but that objective is still relevant. Debt relief is a most welcome contribution, but must not be seen as a substitute for new financial flows. Multinational institutions are ready to play their part. It is imperative that a new higher level of cooperation exists between the United Nations system and the Bretton Woods agencies, as together they try to support the work of countries to alleviate poverty. The task is just monumental. All out effort is needed to alleviate poverty. A higher level of cooperation is needed. A reinvigorated multilateralism must be the response. The international community is giving with one hand but taking away with the other. Governments have made a far-reaching decision in the Bretton Woods institutions to reduce by half the debt of 35 to 40 of the poorest countries. However those same governments have failed, in the World Trade Organization (WTO), to launch a trade round or to take steps to eliminate trade barriers to exports from poorest countries. The latter initiative has the greater long-term potential for export-led growth and for income generation and lifting the poor out of poverty. Unless reversed, these failures by governments will make a mockery of their debt-relief initiatives. There is a similar incoherence in government activities for peace and development in Africa. Just as development is the other name of peace, so peace is the other name of development. The arms trade and military expenditures must be restrained. Perhaps United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annans suggestion that military expenditures be set at no more than 1.5 per cent of GDP in Africa could be followed. States could also cooperate in the interdiction of the smuggling of raw materials and natural resources to finance armed conflicts, and they could broaden the United Nations arms register to involve more countries and to include small arms. How many ploughshares could be forged with such an oversupply of swords? In the past two years, a great deal has been done to identify the architecture needed to reform the international monetary and financial system and a start has been made on that reform. All countries have a responsibility to make sure they are doing everything to make their institutions and economies measure up. However, there must also be more coherence in the attitude of governments to political support for multilateral institutions. Governments sometimes find it convenient to fail to support measures in public that they wholeheartedly support in the executive bodies of international institutions. In a world where demagogic campaigns can develop in a flash, no multilateral body can fulfil its responsibilities unless it is perceived for what it is -- a faithful instrument of its member states. The IMF and others must be seen to have the legitimate political support of their shareholders. Multilateralism is the best way of enhancing the coherence of actions and initiative for all humanity, but multilateral institutions are also the only avenues to properly address the broad issue of world economic governance. This is not a utopian vision of world government but an effort to find global responses to inescapable global problems. Globalization has until now operated at the whim of financial and technological forces, but it is high time that responsibility for it is taken. The world needs to be imaginative enough to conceive of institutions that will best serve this purpose, or at least make necessary changes to the Bretton Woods or United Nations institutions to allow them to do so. Strong dynamics are at play in our history, carrying the promises of more financial stability, of a new paradigm of development and of a better chance of humanizing globalization. They could make it possible to fulfil the universal pledge to reduce poverty. Through reinvigorated multilateralism, we can better address the global dimension of problems. The bell that UNCTAD has chosen as a logo for this Conference is reminiscent of the bells of villages -- calling old people to wake up and reminding them that an angel has visited the earth. It can serve as a reminder that, provided humanity cooperates, the world can be saved. Positive dynamics for high quality equity development have been given to the world today. It is up to us to cooperate, in a spirit of responsibility and solidarity, as good citizens of one global village. Replies to Questions Asked what kind of IMF was needed, Mr. CAMDESSUS said that first, the IMF must remain as it was. Its purposes were as valid today as they were 50 years ago. The growth of balanced international trade must be promoted, while developing the public resources of all members. The Fund must also continue to assist in the establishment of a multilateral system of payments and give confidence to all its members. The IMF continued, he said, to be a self-reforming institution and it accomplished this according to the needs of the time. Its central task, however, was not financing but surveillance. Its goal was to help all countries perform with excellence, optimize their economic policies, improve the plight of their people and assist them in their contributions to the world. Surveillance must now be broadened to incorporate the establishment of stability, strengthening banking and financial systems and improving the quality of governments, he declared. The new world financial architecture must also have the full participation of the financial and private sectors. Poverty reduction must be at heart of programmes, because experience has taught that there is a kind a positive equation taking place: sound macro-economic and monetary policies led to growth, as well as poverty and inequity reduction. He said the Funds focus on surveillance and crisis prevention should not be carried by abandoning members. The IMF was committed to its 180-plus members. Systematic crises could occur, as it did in Thailand, but the IMF must be constant in its support. The private sector must also be involved in market-based solutions, he said. The emphasis made earlier that debt relief and market access must go hand-in-hand was an issue he favoured. Debt relief was only a temporary means. The relief provided by the World Bank had to be balanced by the provision of market access by the WTO. On a question raised about crises and poverty reduction, he said action must be taken now and solidarity must be demonstrated. It will be necessary to spend more for social purposes. But resources must be generated through a more flexible economy. Flexibility must be stressed so that country economies could grow. South Africa, for example, did not grow enough and there was a need for structural changes to fuel such growth. The IMF was seen unjustly as an instrument that created marginalization, he said. "Let me, however, refer you to 80 countries that currently have IMF programmes", he added. Would they want such programmes if the Fund did encourage marginalization? The IMF tried to work hand-in-hand with governments, and it did everything it could to help the poorest, with help of the World Bank, the United Nations and other institutions. The IMF, he said, also wanted to be attentive to the problem of the smallest and weakest countries. It was trying to bring their problems to the attention of the international community. It was currently doing this and had not closed its agenda to such countries. On the question of the yardstick used to define poverty situations, he said the IMF was open to any serious discussion on this issue. "But you must help us to convince the world that this kind of measurement must be reviewed", he added. He said he was also aware that it was not one-country, one-vote which prevailed in the current system. Although this was the desired system, it was not in his hands to change the status quo. However, all of the important decisions taken by the Funds board were taken by unanimity and not by a majority imposing its views on the world There also seemed to more interest in dwelling on the mistakes of the past than in discovering avenues for the future. The IMF, as part of a larger system, shared the mistakes of the system and had made mistakes. However, the IMF was more interested in learning the lessons from these mistakes. It had been accused of being erroneous in its handling of the Asian crisis. "How then are we witnessing such a quick recovery?" Another criticism is that interest rates were very high. But did countries have the courage to take the necessary action to reduce them? A number of Asian countries, however, were reducing inflation because such policies were working. There was also no "cronyism" between the IMF and Wall Street, as had been inferred. Read the Wall Street Journal to see how critical they were of some of the IMF policies. And yes, the IMF did share many of the views of the United States treasury because it had 18 per cent of its capital. The United States, however, was also in the forefront of the fight to establish a global market economy. From rob@essential.org Tue, 15 Feb 2000 14:29:30 -0500 (EST) Date: Tue, 15 Feb 2000 14:29:30 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] IMF succession race - US opposes German German Nominated To Lead IMF Tue, 15 Feb 2000 BRUSSELS, Belgium (AP) -- European Union finance ministers plan to propose German Deputy Finance Minister Caio Koch-Weser as the EU's candidate for the top post at the International Monetary Fund, the EU presidency spokesman said Tuesday. Manuel Meneses, spokesman for the Portuguese EU presidency, said the 15 EU foreign ministers reached a consensus to back Koch-Weser during a meeting of EU foreign affairs Monday. The consensus was reached after France withdrew its opposition to the German candidate, Meneses said. The finance ministers will make a formal decision on Koch-Weser's candidacy at their Feb. 28 meeting in Brussels, he said. Monday, French Foreign Minister Hubert Vedrine said France would support the EU's candidate. Koch-Weser is the leading candidate to succeed France's Michel Camdessus, who has held the job as IMF director for 13 years and steps down this week. Koch-Weser has been strongly backed by German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder to succeed Camdessus. France never officially blocked Koch-Weser's candidacy, but French diplomats had expressed doubts about the German minister's ability to handle the job, saying he lacked a high profile and hard-core financial background. Koch-Weser, who worked for 26 years at the World Bank, has said that it was ``absolute nonsense'' that he wouldn't be able to handle the job. US opposes German candidate for IMF leadership WASHINGTON, Feb 15 (AFP) - The US Treasury is against German Caio Koch-Weser becoming director of the International Monetary Fund, despite his backing by European Union foreign relations ministers, a senior US official said. US backing for a European candidate to the IMF leadership is contingent on widespread support for the person nominated elsewhere around the world, the senior official told AFP. A Treasury Department spokesman made no comment on the EU candidate to replace Frenchman Michael Camdessus, who after 13 years as IMF general director stepped down in November for personal reasons. Since then, the fund has been headed by its deputy general director Stanley Fischer. Another IMF official said there were no grounds for media stories and rumors that Fisher had US backing to take over the fund's top post. Tradition has it that a European heads the IMF, while an American is in charge of the World Bank, and nothing will change that for the moment, said Fred Bergsten, head of the Institute for International Economics, White House aide and former treasury secretary under US president Jimmy Carter (1976-1980) IMF chiefs are usually selected behind the political scenes in Europe, but the United States is kept abreast throughout the entire process. Japan, the world's second-largest economy and member of the Group of Seven most industrialized nations, has little input in the selection of an IMF chief, Bergsten said. The analyst suggested that at a time of economic globalization, the best candidate to run the IMF should be the most qualified, regardless of his birthplace. To that end, Bergsten added, the selection process should not be secret but open and transparent. Once an IMF chief is chosen, his appointment is subject to approval by the IMF board of directors, in which the United States has 17.68 percent of the votes, the EU 30.13 percent, and Japan 6.33 percent. From rob@essential.org Thu, 17 Feb 2000 09:47:10 -0500 (EST) Date: Thu, 17 Feb 2000 09:47:10 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] TWN/Martin Khor reply to Camdessus at UNCTAD Dear friends and colleagues On 13 Feb, the day before his retirement as IMF director general, Michel Camdessus made his last speech in office, at the UNCTAD X conference in Bangkok. He spoke about the need for a human development approach, and the need to tackle poverty, health, education and the environment, and a new development paradigm. During the question time, Martin Khor of the Third World Network made a critical comment on Mr Camdessus' speech. It was the last question of the session, so in a way it was the final comment by a civil society organisation to Mr Camdessus during his IMF career. After the comment was orally presented there was loud applause from the audience of about 1500 delegates and NGO representatives. Just before he made his speech, Mr Camdessus had received a cake on his face from an American activist, an event that caused a sensation at UNCTAD X itself and around the world through the media. NGOs and many delegates too felt this incident and the comment made in the hall were fitting send-offs to the IMF chief as the IMF had been blamed for a policies that resulted in a generation of economic crisis and social hardship across the developing world. We attach below the text of the presentation which was written up after the session. A report of the session, and other reports on UNCTAD X are being sent on separate files. With best regards Third World Network. Intervention by Martin Khor (Director, Third World Network) during the Session on Interactive Debate with Mr. Michel Camdessus (Managing Director, International Monetary Fund), at UNCTAD X, on 13 Feb 2000. It is almost "touching" to see Mr Camdessus at the end of his IMF career apparently being "born again" as a human development advocate, talking just now about the need for a new development paradigm that stresses health, education, poverty alleviation, gender and the environment. But it would have been more convincing if he had first acknowledged the central role of the IMF in generating the crises of poverty and development in the first place. In Africa and Latin America the IMF's structural adjustment policies had caused severe health and education cutbacks and social crises, deep recession and persistent poverty, for a whole generation. In Asia, the IMF helped create the conditions that led to the financial crisis (through its advice to countries to rapidly liberalise their financial systems) and once the crisis broke out the IMF magnified it. Mr Camdessus and the IMF introduced conditionalities such as high interest rates, tight money, budget cutbacks and the sudden closure of financial institutions (before putting forward a comprehensive plan for all financial institutions, thereby undermining the confidence of depositers and causing capital flight). These policies led to economic collapse. Yet Mr Camdessus does not admit nor does he vdraw the lessons of the IMF mistakes. Instead he continues to give advice to the victimised countries, and using double standards as well, since the advice would have applied better to the international players and institutions that primarily caused the crisis. He said the reform of the affected countries is not over. But he forgot to say that the much needed reform of the international financial system has not even started. He asked for transparency in developing countries, but did not call for the much needed transparency and strict regulation of the financial markets and big market players like hedge funds and investment banks that have manipulated currencies and stock markets and transferred billions of dollars from the victimised countries. He spoke about cronyism and collusion in developing countries. NGOs agree this is a problem and have been fighting it. But he ignored the root cause of the international financial disorder and the wrong IMF policies, namely the cronyism in the nexus between Wall Street, US Treasury and the IMF Secretariat, what Professor Bhagwati called the Wall Street-Treasury Complex in a US foreign policy journal. This international cronyism has put the interests of a few financial institutions and financiers ahead of the interests of the economies and people of the world, in both North and South countries, and is preventing the kind of reforms needed. If Mr Camdessus is serious, he would have led a process of reforms. That would have included measures to curb speculators and the unrestricted flow of short term funds; to prevent the IMF from being made use of by financial institutions and players and the US Treasury and other major developed countries; to change the discredited structural adjustment policies; to resolve the Third World debt problem; and to change the decision-making process in the IMF. He talked about the need for participation of the poor. If he is serious the IMF should have at least changed its distribution of quota shares so that developing countries own at least 50 percent of the equity of the IMF and thus have a bigger say in voting and in IMF policies. If Mr Camdessus is serious about the need to shift to a new economic paradigm, then in his retirement he should confess to his role in the IMF's mistakes, admit the IMF's liability for the economic and social losses of so many countries and people, and advocate for all the required changes mentioned earlier. From rob@essential.org Thu, 17 Feb 2000 09:51:50 -0500 (EST) Date: Thu, 17 Feb 2000 09:51:50 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] camdessus session at unctad x (fwd) A tragi-comedic report from Chakravarthi Ragavan on Camdessus's final official appearance: SUNS #4606 Tuesday 15 February 2000 south-north development monitor SUNS [Email Edition] twentieth year 4606 tuesday 15 february 2000 contents Finance: 'What Washington Consensus? I never signed any'- Camdessus (Chakravarthi Raghavan, Bangkok) _____________________________________________________________________ publisher: third world network, 228 macalister road, 10400 penang, malaysia chief editor: chakravarthi raghavan, rm c504, palais des nations, ch-1211 geneva 10, switzerland; tel:(4122) 7344274, fax 7401672; email advisory board: hamidon ali, celso amorim, savitri kunadi, ali mchumo, fayza aboulnaga, ransford smith As a non-profit service, subscriptions are intended to cover or contribute to costs of operations. terms and special conditions: information available from publisher. [c] 2000, SUNS - All rights reserved. May not be reproduced, reprinted or posted to any system or service without specific permission from SUNS. This limitation includes incorporation into a database, distribution via Usenet News, bulletin board systems, mailing lists, print media or broadcast. For information about reproduction or multi-user subscriptions please contact --------------------------------------------------------------------- FINANCE: 'WHAT WASHINGTON CONSENSUS? I NEVER SIGNED ANY'- CAMDESSUS Bangkok, 13 Feb (Chakravarthi Raghavan) -- "What Washington Consensus, I never signed any," Michel Camdessus, IMF Managing Director, said Sunday at UNCTAD-X in one of its 'inter-active sessions' in responding to an NGO representative - Martin Khor of the Third World Network. In 1988, soon after Michel Camdessus took over as Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund, UNCTAD's then Secretary-General late Kenneth Dadzie went to visit him in Washington DC, on a Sunday, to discuss with him the Third World Debt crisis and the UNCTAD view on the need for writing down the debts owed by countries to private banks. Camdessus, Dadzie told this writer on return, agreed with many of UNCTAD's analysis on the debt issues, but said this was a thought he could afford to have only on a Sunday! Well, Camdessus came to Bangkok at the invitation of UNCTAD Secretary-General Rubens Ricupero to address the tenth session and participate in an interactive meeting, and spoke at the Conference on Sunday, a day before his laying down office as the IMF head. The Sunday and the imminent retirement perhaps encouraged him to say some things at UNCTAD-X that is not normally IMF language, mixed, though, with many of shop-worn cliches in IMF armoury: "Now we know, it is not enough to increase the size of the cake. How the cake is shared is equally relevant to the dynamics of development." Well, some lessons in development economics after 12 years on the job. Or, another one: "it is recognized that the market can have major failures, that growth alone is not enough or can even be destructive of the natural environment or precious social goods and cultural values. Only the pursuit of high quality growth is worth the effort -- growth that can be sustained over time... growth that has the human person at its center.... growth based on continuous effort for more equity, poverty alleviation, and empowerment of poor people, and growth that promotes protection of the environment and respect for national cultural values... a striking and promising recognition of a convergence between a respect for fundamental ethical values and the search for efficiency...." "...that systematically dismantling the state is not the way to respond to the problems of modern economies; rather, we must aim for a slimmer yet more effective state, able to provide the private sector with a solid framework in which the rule of law could prevail on a level playing field." Or, "the new emerging paradigm, rooted in fundamental human values, taken together with a better ability to prevent and manage the crises, is a distinct and positive chance of our times... a new perception of globalization is emerging .. a call for common action to transform globalization into an effective instrument for development. Globalization can be seen in a positive light, not what some have portrayed it to be, a blind, potentially malevolent force that needs to be tamed... a logical extension of the same basic principles of economic and human relations that have already brought prosperity to many countries...." As incredulous delegates and observers listened, the Camdessus speech was also splattered with a mixed bag of old and new IMF virtues -- liberalization of trade and capital movements, but with an orderly approach, need for transparency, accountability, democratic governance, fighting corruption, poverty alleviation as the center-piece of economic policy ('we cannot ignore poverty'), need for gender equality, increasing aid, debt relief, market access to developing countries, support to Kofi Annan's recommendation for ceiling on national military expenditures -- a re-invigorated multilateralism so that globalization is no longer operated by autonomous technological and financial forces, but towards world unity in the service of human kind, etc. etc. The South African Trade Minister Alec Erwin referred to Fund-Bank proposals for multilateral debt relief and IMF gold sales and need for quick action on these. There were also some polite comments and questions about the relationships of the new paradigm with the Washington consensus, and from St. Lucia about the problems of very vulnerable economies which may not strictly come under the category for fast debt reliefs, and the President of the Board Amb. Petit of France, asking Camdessus to amplify some of his personal views now with those of the IMF. Then came some comments and questions from Mr. Martin Khor of the Third World Network that clearly upset Camdessus. It was almost touching, Khor said, to see Camdessus at the end of his IMF career to be born again as a 'human development advocate' talking about health, education, poverty and environment. But it would have been more convincing if he had first acknowledged the big role of the IMF in generating the crisis of poverty and development in Africa, Latin America and how the IMF's structural adjustment policies had caused cutbacks in health and education budgets. In Asia the IMF, through its earlier advice for financial liberalization, had led to the present crisis. It was the IMF that introduced conditionalities of high interest rates, tight money, budget cutbacks, and closure of local banks. Yet, said Khor, Camdessus does not take lessons from IMF mistakes but continues to dole out advice to the victimized countries, and with double standards, since the advice for transparency etc could have equally applied to international players in the markets, the hedge-funds etc. And while Camdessus said the reform of the affected countries were not yet over, he forgot to say that the reform of the international financial system had not even started. He had not even called for transparency and strict regulation of financial markets and big players there. NGOs of the South were fighting corruption and cronyism in their countries. But what about the corruption and cronyism in the North, and what Prof Bhagwati had called the Wall Street-US Treasury-IMF complex. If Camdessus had been serious he would have led a process of reform to curb speculators and short-term flows of funds, and prevented the IMF being used by financiers and the US treasury. If he had been serious, the IMF should at least have changed the quota shares so that developing countries could acquire more shares and quotas, at least to have 50% voting rights. If Camdessus was serious about his new paradigm, he should confess to his past sins, admit the IMF liability for the economic and social losses of many countries and advocate all the required changes. Khor was cheered loudly by the government delegations and observers inside the plenary hall. While replying, the picture of Camdessus on the large videoscreens in the hall showed Camdessus was clearly upset - though part of the reason perhaps lay in the fact that before he came into the hall in the morning another NGO had splattered his face with a cream-pie. Camdessus started off with sharing Erwin's sense of crisis and need for speedy actions on debt relief, and then added: "I don't know what the Washington consensus was. I never signed it." He was, of course, right. The gospels setting out Christ's preaching were those of the apostles, not Christ himself. And the stern injunctions by the prophets of the Market God (the Fund and the World Bank) echoed by the Washington think tanks were assembled and given the name 'Washington consensus' by Prof Williams. And thus, it has become easy - first by the Bank and now the Fund to deny authorship, though in its hey days neither repudiated them or distanced themselves from the consensus. "You are more interested in the mistakes of the past than in exploring paths for the future," Camdessus told Mr. Khor, and refused to make any mea culpas. The lowering of interest rates and government spending by Thailand and others was because their adjustment had succeeded, not because of Malaysia's reversal of course and capital and exchange controls which were no panacea, Camdessus claimed. Liberalization had been undertaken in countries in a disorderly way, and in Korea it was the IMF that had advised some reversals. Though Khor had raised the issue of double standards in terms of lack of transparency and accountability of markets and big players there, Camdessus repudiated any double-standards, citing the examples of the UK and Canadian governments in making disclosures! From rob@essential.org Thu, 17 Feb 2000 12:10:38 -0500 (EST) Date: Thu, 17 Feb 2000 12:10:38 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] Wallerstein: Camdessus is worried (fwd) Comment No. 34, Feb. 15, 2000 "The Head of the IMF: A Secret Radical?" Sometimes, when important persons take leave of their public life, they feel the need to make a bow to historical truth and seek to be remembered for more virtuous analysis than they normally had made earlier. This was the case when the last military man to be a president of the United States, Dwight Eisenhower, gave his farewell address in 1961. In that speech, he warned against the dangers that a "military-industrial complex" was coming to control the decisions of the U.S. government. This has been a theme ever since of the U.S. left but it has not been a theme frequently repeated by subsequent Republican politicians. The story may turn out to be similar with the "farewell speech" of Michel Camdessus, Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund (IMF). On Feb. 13, 2000, the day before he was to leave office after 13 years (the longest term of any Managing Director), Camdessus addressed the Tenth United Nations Conference on Trade and Development in Bangkok. He said some very radical things. He started by noting what he called the paradox of the present world economic situation: "promise - unprecedented prospects in certain fields - but financial instability and 'exclusion,' the so cruel situation of the poorest and the anxieties of so many in the world." He said we must recognize that "there are serious reasons for this anxiety." He called on everyone to "recognize that poverty is the 'ultimate threat' to stability in a globalizing world." After all the speeches we have had from the IMF and its ideological consorts about the primacy of growth as an economic objective, Camdessus now tells us: "It is recognized that the market can have major failures, that growth alone is not enough, or can even be destructive of the natural environment or precious social goods and cultural values. Only the pursuit of high-quality growth is worth the effort." Camdessus italicized "high-quality." And he proceeded to define this term in language one usually hears from the critics of the IMF: "growth that can be sustained over time without causing...imbalance; growth that has the human person at its center...; growth...based on a continuous effort for more equity, poverty alleviation, and empowerment of poor people; and growth that promotes protection of the environment, and respect for national cultural values." And from this point, Camdessus moves on to virtual populism: "Popular support for stabilization and reform cannot be counted upon, unless the whole population. including the poorest - and by the poorest I mean those that not only are out of the loop, but even more are unable to contribute their experience - is able to participate in the formulation of the policies and, of course, in the benefits from those policies." Camdessus attributes the anxiety that is widespread to the fact that globalization "has not yet demonstrated that it is concerned enough, or capable of overcoming the great concern of our times." And that concern, he says, is poverty. As recently as the latest Davos conference, we were being assured that a rising tide raises all ships, and that globalization would prove of benefit to everyone. But no, says our secret radical, the Managing Director of the IMF, "the widening gaps between rich and poor within nations, and the gulf between the most affluent and most impoverished nations, are morally outrageous, economically wasteful, and potentially socially explosive." Widening gaps? There are those of us who have argued this for a long time, but only now have we had the assent of the IMF, at least the rhetorical assent. Perhaps the gaps have grown to be so wide and so obvious they can no longer be hidden from the blindest. Furthermore, says Camdessus, "poverty is no longer inevitable, if it ever has been..." What then should we do? Camdessus recommends a five-point program for the poor countries. Points two to four are standard gospel: sound macroeconomic policies, promotion of the free market, and a web of laws that support the functioning of markets. But see point number one: "country-driven strategies that make poverty alleviation the centerpiece of economic policy...." And point five: "well-targeted and cost-effective social safety nets, a shift in public spending towards basic social services in education and health care, and efforts to provide income-earning opportunities for the poor." And what does he recommend for the "development partners" of the poor countries? First of all, "unrestricted market access for all exports from the poorest countries, including the HIPCs [heavily-indebted poor countries]." And "backing up all the pledges to reduce poverty with financial support." The excuse of "aid fatigue," Camdessus says, "is not credible." And one more surprising suggestion: "restraining the sales of military equipment to sensitive regions; abolishing the provision of export credit for military purposes." To reassure us that he hasn't yet joined the ranks of the demonstrators in Seattle, Camdessus does end with a fairly standard list of four broad areas in which multilateralism should be enhanced: liberalization of trade, liberalization of payments, liberalization of capital movements, and (to guarantee the first three) the strengthening of the international financial architecture. However, even there, as an example of new architecture, he proposes replacing the G7-G8 Summit with a meeting of about 30 countries, all those "who have Executive Directors on the Boards of either the IMF or the World Bank," because this would be "a representative grouping of world leaders with unquestionable legitimacy." So obviously he feels that the G7-G8 does not have "unquestionable legitimacy." What are we to make of this speech, which will not pass unnoticed? I think we should not persuade ourselves that it means that the leaders of world capitalism have suddenly become egalitarians. Rather, we should view it as meaning that the intelligent among them are genuinely worried. But worried about what? About two things essentially: The first is a financial crash. In an interview following the speech, Camdessus said: "I am ringing the alarm bell to our member countries to tell them that we run the risk of a new financial crisis." He particularly pointed to the U.S. economy, whose "low rate of savings, rapidly growing current-account deficit and high stock prices were cause for concern." And there are "also worrying vulnerabilities in other parts of the world." And worst of all, all this, he says, is "combined with complacency." The second cause for worry is the widespread popular rejection of so-called globalization. It is this worry that is most fundamental. Camdessus furthermore is not alone. During the so-called Asian financial crisis of just a few years ago, the policies of the IMF itself were strongly criticized by senior world conservative figures like Henry Kissinger and Jeffrey Sachs precisely because the latter felt that IMF policies were neglecting the social consequences of its economic policies and would lead to populist disturbances, as they said it had already in Indonesia. Perhaps Camdessus was listening. The point is that when those in power are worried, there is usually something to worry about, for them. Camdessus is worried. Immanuel Wallerstein From rob@essential.org Tue, 22 Feb 2000 22:08:26 -0500 (EST) Date: Tue, 22 Feb 2000 22:08:26 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] NYT: Brazil Collides With I.M.F. Over a Plan to Aid the Poor (fwd) February 21, 2000 New York Times Brazil Collides With I.M.F. Over a Plan to Aid the Poor By LARRY ROHTER RIO DE JANEIRO, Feb. 20-- A new Brazilian government plan to spend more tha= n $22 billion on social programs in the next decade has led to a squabble wit= h the International Monetary Fund, which argues the money should be used to reduce Brazil's indebtedness rather than to fight poverty. The unusually public dispute has added to the unpopularity here of the I.M.F., which in the past has been accused of provoking recession in Brazil and trampling on the country's sovereignty. It has also given President Fernando Henrique Cardoso badly needed political help, forcing opposition parties to line up behind him and potentially strengthening his hand in continuing talks with an I.M.F. now more leery than ever of being seen as heartless. Brazil and the I.M.F. reached agreement in November 1998 on an emergency three-year $41.5 billion rescue package, the terms of which were modified early last year after Mr. Cardoso was forced to allow the national currency= , the real, to be devalued by 40 percent. The accord calls for the Brazilian government to cut spending and raise taxes, and sets targets and timetables for actions like reducing public sector debt and selling state-owned companies. But nationwide municipal elections are scheduled for October, with the presidential and legislative races to follow in 2002, and the government coalition is eager to offer voters something more than continued austerity. In addition, Mr. Cardoso promised in his 1998 campaign that if elected to a second term, he would take steps to lessen the country's chronically skewed income distribution and other social inequalities. Though living conditions for the poor improved in the 1990's, economists calculate that at least half the work force in this nation of 165 million still earns the minimum wage of $77 a month or, in the case of millions working off the books, even less. According to government statistics, the poorest 10 percent of the population accounts for only 1 percent of nationa= l income, while the richest 10 percent receives nearly half. As presented to Congress, the government's plan calls for at least $2.25 billion a year over the next 10 years to be funneled into a Fund to Combat and Eradicate Poverty for additional spending on things like education, health and infrastructure. Minister of Finance Pedro Malan maintains that money gained from privatization and new luxury taxes will enable Brazil to finance the program without deviating from the I.M.F. agreement. In an interview with the Brazilian news magazine Veja last month, before th= e dispute erupted, the United States secretary of the treasury, Lawrence Summers, said that the government here "in the long term, needs to invest massively in the Brazilian people," citing education as a top priority. But in an interview last week with the Dow Jones news service, the I.M.F. representative in Bras=EDlia, Lorenzo Perez, said the government plan "established a precedent that could become dangerous." "Brazil already spends a significant amount of money on social programs," h= e said. "This money has to be used more effectively." The Brazilian reaction was sharp and immediate, with the government and the opposition demonstrating a rare unity. Leaders of the leftist Workers Party called for Mr. Perez's expulsion, while Mr. Malan said "the allocation of budgetary resources has never been a theme of discussion with the I.M.F. an= d is not within its area of competence." A day later, Mr. Perez reversed course, saying that after further study of the plan, "I don't think its implementation would involve macroeconomic risks." That appeared to be the end of the matter. But on Feb. 13, the departing managing director of the I.M.F., Michel Camdessus, left Brazilian officials seething anew over remarks he made at a United Nations trade conference in Bangkok, apparently unaware that Mr. Perez had retracted his original criticisms. "We in the I.M.F. believe that what is important in the strategy of a count= r y is not to get rid of the problems of the poor by doing some charity from time to time," he said. "What we see as more important is to make room in the budget of the government and of the states for increased social spendin= g on a permanent basis." From rob@essential.org Wed, 23 Feb 2000 19:58:36 -0500 (EST) Date: Wed, 23 Feb 2000 19:58:36 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] IMF Board Receives Managing Director Nominations Press Release No. 00/10 February 23, 2000 International Monetary Fund 700 19th Street, NW Washington, D.C. 20431 USA IMF Board Receives Managing Director Nominations On Tuesday, February 22, 2000, the International Monetary Fund's (IMF) Executive Board received the first formal nominations for the post of the next Managing Director of the IMF. Mr. Stanley Fischer, IMF First Deputy Managing Director, and currently Acting Managing Director, was nominated for the post by Mr. Jose Pedro de Morais, Jr., the Executive Director representing Angola, Botswana, Burundi, Eritrea, Ethiopia, the Gambia, Kenya, Lesotho, Liberia, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Swaziland, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. Mr. Eisuke Sakakibara, former Vice Minister of Finance Finance for International Affairs in the Ministry of Finance of Japan, was nominated by Mr. Yukio Yoshimura, Executive Director for Japan. Executive Directors are in consultation with their respective authorities on the nominations received. Statements by the Executive Directors will be posted shortly on the IMF's website (http://www.imf.org). From rob@essential.org Wed, 23 Feb 2000 20:15:43 -0500 (EST) Date: Wed, 23 Feb 2000 20:15:43 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] IMF succession race takes a couple interesting turns (fwd) Nomination of US, Japanese IMF candidates could set up struggle with EU WASHINGTON, Feb 23 (AFP) - The emergence Wednesday of US and Japanese candidates to head the International Monetary Fund is likely to spark a confrontation with the European Union, which by longstanding tradition provides the Fund with its managing director. The IMF announced that its executive board had received the formal nominations of Stanley Fischer of the United States, currently acting IMF managing director, and Eisuke Sakakibara, former Japanese vice finance minister. Fischer and Sakakibara are likely to be challenged by Caio Koch-Weser, state secretary in the German finance ministry, whose candidacy has been endorsed by the European Union. The nominations announced Wednesday took the German government by surprise. A spokesman for finance ministry in Berlin, Torsten Albig, said Fischer's candidacy had "never been an issue until now." "We're still convinced that there will be sufficient votes" for the European candidate, Albig added. German government sources have warned it might not be in the interests of Europe to have US citizens occupying the top spots at the IMF and the World Bank, both of which have their headquarters in Washington. James Wolfensohn is currently World Bank president. Fischer has been serving as acting managing director since February 14 when Michel Camdessus of France resigned after 13 years on the job. If either Fischer or Sakakibara wins the backing of the Fund's 24-member executive board, the election would break a tradition as old as the IMF itself, according to which the Fund is headed by a European while the World Bank is led by a US national. Since its establishment in the aftermath of World War II, the IMF has had seven managing directors, three from France, two from Sweden and one from Belgium and the Netherlands. While the United States, the IMF's largest stakeholder, has yet to make its preference known, US officials have been less than enthusiastic about the candidacy of Koch-Weser. US Treasury Secretary Lawrence Summers has said the next managing director should have sufficient stature to oversee internal IMF reform and be able to command the backing of all IMF members. Fischer, who will be 57 in October, was born in Zambia, educated as an economist in Britain and became a US citizen in 1976. He was named to the post of deputy managing director in 1994 by the Clinton administration, consistent with another IMF practice under which the number two position is held by an American. After a career as a university professor in the United States, he made the switch to international civil service in 1988, when he was named vice president and chief economist at the World Bank, where he remained until 1990. He was nominated a candidate for IMF chief by Jose Pedro de Morais, an IMF executive director representing Angola, Botswana, Burundi, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Gambia, Kenyan, Lesotho, Liberia, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Swaziland, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe. Sakakibara, the first Japanese citizen to be a candidate for IMF managing director, is known around the world as "Mr. Yen" for the influence his remarks had on the foreign exchange market. He quit his post of vice finance minister for international affairs in September and now teaches at Keio University in Tokyo. He was nominated by Yukio Yoshimura, IMF executive director from Japan. Koch-Weser, 55, was chosen by the European Union as its candidate on February 14. An EU spokesman said the formal decision would be made when economy ministers from the 15 member-states assemble on February 28, a gathering thought likely to rubber stamp the nomination. Fluent in four languages, Koch-Weser has been hailed as the ideal candidate to take on IMF duties of emergency economic diplomacy and the promotion of sound fiscal practice. His knowledge of world economic affairs and Brazilian background are also regarded as assets at a time when developing countries are mounting a fierce backlash against the global trade liberalization. Before his government appointment last year, he served for 26 years as an official of the World Bank. From rob@essential.org Thu, 24 Feb 2000 11:31:34 -0500 (EST) Date: Thu, 24 Feb 2000 11:31:34 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] J2KUK: IMF Headless, not harmless (fwd) > The IMF: Headless but not harmless > > 2/22/00, Jubilee 2000 Coalition (UK) > On the 14th February, Michel Camdessus, stepped down from his position as Director of the IMF before any formal announcement of his successor. His imminent departure has for the last few months fuelled unseemly backstairs squabbling about who should replace him. The secretive and highly undemocratic process has been condemned by Jubilee 2000 and other organisations. Meanwhile whoever replaces him will have to face the reality of leading an international institution that has come under increasing criticism for its role in the economies of indebted nations. > > The position of IMF managing director is one of the most powerful jobs in international finance yet it has no open process of application and interview or any form of formal selection procedure. Instead the position is filled by negotiations held behind doors in Europe and USA. Traditionally the key job at IMF has gone to a European; and currently it looks like it will be the German nominee, Caio Koch Weiser who will clinch the post. > > In a joint letter to the British Finance Minister Gordon Brown, Jubilee 2000 and other organisations said that it was no longer justifiable to continue with a system which allows a minority of rich countries to appoint the head of an institution wielding so much influence in developing countries. "It is disgraceful that the millions of people living daily under IMF influence have absolutely no opportunity to engage in the process of choosing the managing director," the letter says. It goes onto emphasise that "It is imperative that the new managing director understands and is sympathetic to the needs and problems in developing countries." > > Jubilee 2000 has consistently been critical of the role of the IMF as gatekeeper to debt relief and as a central player in the economies of indebted countries. All countries applying for debt relief, including under the most recent Cologne debt initiative, have to adopt an economic adjustment programme. The name of the adjustment programme has been changed from Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) to Poverty Reduction and Growth Facility (PRGF). SAPs consistently led to falling expenditure on health, education and public services and increased levels of poverty. To counter increasing criticism, the G8 Governments at Cologne added new social criteria to the narrow economic criteria as conditions for debt cancellation. Yet this combination as led to highly contradictory results. This was clear with the recent news that the IMF have penalised Guyana and delayed debt relief for failing to meet its financial targets. However Guyana missed its financial targets because it had, under IMF advice, gone to indepepay dispute. > > The contradictions in the IMF's policies seem likely to get worse and exacerbate the lack of accountability in the financial system. On February 9th, President Chiluba of Zambia said that IMF policies had increased unemployment and poverty. He also highlighted the contradictions in the IMF's new adoption of anti-poverty language: > > "We are told Africa needs to embrace the spirit of partnership with NGOs but the NGO where I come from, such as the Zambian Congress Trade > Unions (ZCTU) also wants increased wages. And then IMF says do not give them, we do not know which way to go," President Chiluba said. > > Chiluba's comments followed his controversial sacking of 81 junior doctors at Lusaka's University Teaching Hospital after 143 demoralised junior doctors went on strike in January in protest over conditions and the lack of essential drugs. Zambia's parliament have debated a private member's bill calling for the unconditional reinstatement of the sacked doctors and a commitment to improve the "deplorable" conditions at UTH. In proposing the motion, independent MP Crispin Sibetta said the government should listen "to the voices of the people" and resolve the impasse. > > The reality is that the Government has had its hands tied. Since January last year, UTH has operated on a monthly budget but allocations are only made as and when the government has the revenue to spend. The situation at UTH is symptomatic of a wider health crisis confronting Zambia. The government, saddled with repayment obligations on its US $7 billion debt, has cut social spending to around 6 percent of its overall budget. This combined with the devastating impact of HIV/AIDS has led to a sharp fall in life expectancy from 49 years in 1992 to an estimated 37 years at present. > > The role of the IMF in Brazil also came under fire in the same week, following comments by the representative of the International Monetary Fund after he criticised a multi-million dollar plan to fight poverty. Under the plan, which enjoys broad political support, more than two-billion dollars of the annual budget would go towards helping Brazil's twenty-four million most impoverished people. But the IMF official, Lorenzo Perez, told an American news agency Dow Jones that the anti-poverty measure could endanger Brazil's accords with the Fund. > > The Brazilian government reacted by saying the IMF had no right to comment on budgetary matters, while the left-wing Workers Party the PT accused Mr Perez of interfering in Brazil's internal affairs and said he should be thrown out of the country. > From rob@essential.org Thu, 24 Feb 2000 13:18:38 -0500 (EST) Date: Thu, 24 Feb 2000 13:18:38 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] FT: Overhaul urged of IMF, World Bank Financial Times Overhaul urged of IMF, World Bank By Stephen Fidler - 24 Feb 2000 14:06GMT A special US congressional commission is expected next month to recommend a radical reduction in the roles of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. It is likely to propose that the IMF focus on short-term finance to resolve crises in emerging economies, and that the World Bank shift towards providing poor countries with grants rather than loans. The commission, chaired by Allan Meltzer, an economics professor at Carnegie Mellon University, is also expected to recommend the abolition of the International Finance Corporation, the bank's private sector arm, and MIGA, its political insurance unit. It is likely to call for the World Bank to pull out of Asia and Latin America, leaving the ground to two regional institutions, the Asian and the InterAmerican Development Banks. The body - the International Financial Institution Advisory Commission - was established by Congress last year to report on the workings of the international institutions. It must report to Congress by March 9. The broad thrust of its likely conclusions has been widely circulated in Washington, though the findings have only just reached the draft stage and may change. Its 11 members are vote on the findings next week, and it is not yet clear how large the majority voice will be. The commission comprises six experts nominated by the Republican majority, including Mr Meltzer, a monetarist economist, and Charles Calomiris, an IMF critic from the libertarian Cato Institute, and five nominated by the Democrats, including Harvard professor Jeffrey Sachs and Fred Bergsten, head of the Institute of International Economics. The recommendations are based on the overlap the commission found between the roles of the IMF and the bank and between the bank and regional development banks. Most multilateral money goes into about a dozen countries already open to private capital markets. The tentative recommendations would have the IMF focused almost entirely on its responsibilities to resolve liquidity crises in member countries. It would provide short-term funds at very high interest rates but only against collateral. The fund would pull out of Africa. Under the plans, the World Bank's responsibilities would shrink to providing mainly grants to countries in Africa, eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. The bank would stop providing finance to countries with annual income per head of more than $2,500. From rob@essential.org Sun, 27 Feb 2000 08:01:34 -0500 (EST) Date: Sun, 27 Feb 2000 08:01:34 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] Wolfensohn: Debt Relief Screws Up the Market World Bank chief says debt relief would "screw up" market MANILA, Feb 26 (AFP) - Using Christianity's Jubilee year as a platform to press for debt relief for the world's developing countries is "whimsical" and could "screw up the market," World Bank president James Wolfensohn said here Saturday. "The issue of debt forgiveness is really quite an interesting issue (because) there are two trillion dollars in outstanding debt to developing countries -- that's 2,000 billion dollars -- included in which is the Philippine debt," Wolfensohn told a news conference here. "The notion that for the Jubileum for someone to come along and forgive that debt is whimsical," he said. The Roman Catholic church is celebrating the 2,000th birthday of Jesus Christ. Some church leaders and church-based pressure groups have called for debt write-off for poor countries by lending institutions, including the World Bank, to mark the celebrations. Writing off these debts could put pressure on multilateral lending institutions' capitals and in the longer term "screw up the market" for debt instruments, Wolfensohn said. Wolfensohn recalled he recently asked a church leader advocating debt relief to "forgive" some 100 million dollars worth of World Bank bonds he knew the church was holding, but instead got an "ambiguous reply." While there is a "lot of passion" about debt forgiveness, Wolfensohn said governments that own the World Bank and other lending agencies were not prepared to raise the limit of the money they contribute as funds. "The reality is the limit of debt forgiveness is the limit of the governments that own us. The owners, the governments, are simply not prepared to give up more than what they are (giving up) now," he said. Last year, leaders of the world's eight richest nations agreed to slash some 70 billion dollars off the 214 billion dollar debt of the world's 41 poorest nations, which debt relief pressure groups said was not enough. "If you have a society based on debt forgiveness, who's going to invest in debt anymore? So you really screw up the market," Wolfensohn said. From rob@essential.org Sun, 27 Feb 2000 19:07:56 -0500 (EST) Date: Sun, 27 Feb 2000 19:07:56 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] UK Committee calls for IMF reform Feb 24, 2000 From: Angela Wood The UK's Treasury Committee which watchdogs the Treasury has released a report on the IMF following its recent inquiry. The committee heard and received written evidence from NGOs, academics and Treasury officials on aspects of IMF governance and its role. Much of which is published in the report, including the letter from UK academics and NGOs to the Committee concerning the MD selection process. Recommendations include: The Treasury should provide an annual report to parliament after the Autumn meetings on its work in the IMF; The IMF should publish agendas and minutes of Board meetings; the choice of IMF Managing Director should be a much more transparent and openly democratic process; the Chancellor should publish the UK voting record. Other recommendations focussed on the role of the IMF in transition countries (particularly Russia); encouraging developing countries to be involved in standard setting and codes; rules for including the private sector in crisis resolution; refocussing the IMF on its original mandate; increased transparency on conditionality; and a limited role for governance conditionality. The report is available from the Stationery Office (=A315.90) email orders t= o or call 0845-7-585463. For copies of BWP submissions email me at . Angela. From rob@essential.org Sun, 27 Feb 2000 23:55:34 -0500 (EST) Date: Sun, 27 Feb 2000 23:55:34 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] To forgive dying man's debt isn't enough (fwd) Dear friends and colleagues, Attached is an article reporting on a rousing presentation by the President of Algeria (who is also currently President of the Organisation of Africa Unity) at the last session of UNCTAD X. Also attached is an IPS article on the last day of UNCTAD X. These articles were published in the SUNS of 23 Feb. With best wishes Martin Khor Third World Network SUNS #4612 Wednesday 23 February 2000 south-north development monitor SUNS [Email Edition] twentieth year 4612 wednesday 23 february 2000 contents Development: Forgiving a dying man's debt isn't enough, says OAU President (Martin Khor, Bangkok) Development: All eyes on how UNCTAD drives vehicle for new order (IPS, Bangkok) _____________________________________________________________________ publisher: third world network, 228 macalister road, 10400 penang, malaysia chief editor: chakravarthi raghavan, rm c504, palais des nations, ch-1211 geneva 10, switzerland; tel:(4122) 7344274, fax 7401672; email advisory board: hamidon ali, celso amorim, savitri kunadi, ali mchumo, fayza aboulnaga, ransford smith As a non-profit service, subscriptions are intended to cover or contribute to costs of operations. terms and special conditions: information available from publisher. [c] 2000, SUNS - All rights reserved. May not be reproduced, reprinted or posted to any system or service without specific permission from SUNS. This limitation includes incorporation into a database, distribution via Usenet News, bulletin board systems, mailing lists, print media or broadcast. For information about reproduction or multi-user subscriptions please contact --------------------------------------------------------------------- DEVELOPMENT: FORGIVING A DYING MAN'S DEBT ISN'T ENOUGH, SAYS OAU PRESIDENT Bangkok, 21 Feb (Martin Khor) -- A comprehensive analysis of the plight of Africa and a devastating critique of the response to it by Western governments was presented by the President of Algeria and current Chairman of the Organization of African Unity OAU), Abdelaziz Bouteflika, on the final day of UNCTAD X. Bouteflika's speech and answers to questions, which came at a panel made up of world leaders (including the Prime Ministers of Thailand, Mozambique and Morocco and the President of the Dominican Republic) were a major highlight not only of the final day but of the Conference. The Algerian President's views and comments were greeted with loud and long applause. The OAU President's main message was that writing off the debt of 33 poorest African countries which could not pay the debt anyway was only a gesture -- a "macabre scene" where a creditor visits a dying man to forgive his debts. Much more needed to be done by the international community, if Africans, who are a disappearing people threatened with extinction, are to survive. Whilst the very first speech of UNCTAD X, that by Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Muhammad, set a high note for the critique of globalization at the start of UNCTAD X, Bouteflika's presentations at the very end of the Conference served as a stark reminder of how the poorest continent had been subjected not only to exploitation but to hypocrisy from rich nations that purported to help the poor countries. The OAU President's remarks had all the more impact as the Committee of the Whole of UNCTAD-10 had concluded the previous night a Plan of Action, which in terms of governmental commitments provided no new breakthrough in terms of duty-free and quota-free access for least developed countries, or of debt relief for developing countries, despite well-publicized wrangling for several days on these two key issues. This had left officials from developing countries feeling that the Northern countries as a whole were not willing to extend concessions or goodwill despite the failure of the WTO's Seattle Conference, and had also caused the NGOs inside and outside the Conference to criticize UNCTAD X for only being a discussion forum and lacking substantial results. In his introductory remarks, the OAU leader said the major problem facing Africa was indebtedness. Whilst current debt relief measures were welcome symbols, they only applied to bankrupt states that could not repay the debts anyway. For debt alleviation to go beyond the symbolic, it must be provided for middle-income African countries, as it had been to Russia. Amplifying on this theme in response to questions from the moderator, Bouteflika, speaking without notes and in a passionate tone, said that "Africa is completely being marginalised." This was made clear at the WTO conference in Seattle, where the dialogue was between the US and EU. The Africans were the forgotten ones in Seattle, and they held their tongues and their dignity. He said Africa had been split away from the flows and processes of development of the rest of the world. "Globalization can only benefit those countries with the material basis and technological foundation to operate," he added. "Only they can benefit from globalization." The Algerian President said that the international community had not taken measures to help Africa, which was lagging behind. "Its backwardness in trade is such that it will be utterly left out of the process." Asking how such a situation came about, Bouteflika said it was necessary to look at history and the background. "Africa is a continent that suffered from slavery and the trading in blacks. Africa was used to develop other continents that are now more advanced. I am not blaming anyone, but just looking at the past to understand the present. Colonialism divided Africa, introduced regional imbalances, social inequality and inter-ethnic conflict that have used up our energies." He added that the colonizing countries were interested in exploiting Africa's natural resources, to the detriment of schools, education and social development, whilst also causing cultural divisions. "This jeopardized our subsequent development." The OAU president said "Once we attained independence, African countries, sad to say, chose the wrong development model. Those that chose socialism or the free market failed equally. There was a lack of executive personnel, services, infrastructure. It was disastrous. There was a general imbalance at every level. "The international economic order kept the African countries as suppliers of raw materials and as markets for manufactured products. By deregulating trade and bringing in competition when the forces in the North and South are so disproportionate, it is obvious that Africa is absolutely out of the race. "What can we do? How can we combat marginalisation? What are the palliatives, since there are no remedies? African countries must take responsibility to combat their marginalisation, but without shame we must also say the world cannot set aside such an enormous swathe of humanity and live with a clear conscience. "We can't live with a conscience side by side with this large part of humanity, which faces drought, disease, AIDS affecting up to 40% of the population. Africans are a disappearing people, going extinct. Developed countries now have third-generation AIDS drugs, but not a single African country has benefitted yet from the first generation of such drugs. Everything is happening as if we are trying to regulate the world's population through Malthusian logic, to let the weakest die so we can have a world of the rich and let the poor go to the wall.." Bouteflika said it was too easy for others to say that Africa must settle its disputes. He agreed that this was a major problem, with 13 conflicts at present between states. Besides, there were also internal social disputes that strike African countries, including Algeria. "Of course, we can recommend countries to take on their own social responsibility. But we have lost all our rights except the right to dream." Touching on the need for solidarity and partnership among African countries, Bouteflika said solidarity of the poor is a fantasy more than a dream. "Our people are big-hearted. But the big problem is that of African debt." He welcomed the Group of 7 decision in Cologne on debt relief as a first step to a solution. He also welcomed the decision of UK Premier Tony Blair and President Chirac of France to extend debt write-off for eligible countries from 90 to 100%. He also welcomed the outgoing IMF managing director's statement that 33 African countries would benefit from debt write-off. "But what are the 33 countries that have benefitted? We have written off the debts of the countries that are bankrupt and that cannot pay. Their debts could not have been paid anyway. We are looking at a macabre scene of someone visiting a dying man and telling him 'you can die without debts, you can die happy because you do not have debts to pay.' "The debt problem will not be solved this way. We knew the 33 countries could not squeeze anything out anymore, anyway. Writing off their debts is a welcome gesture. But we need to bring these countries up, to bring their dignity back, and charity is not enough." The Algerian President said other measures are needed to resolve the debt problem. The debt of middle-income countries needs to be solved. He noted that the Western nations had written off Russia's debt, and urged that similar measures be applied to middle income African countries. If these countries were free of debt, they too would have a chance to develop, and to contribute to resolving world problems. He added that whilst everyone wanted to be part of globalization, and to go against it would be running against history, yet "globalization is something that must not leave out the rich or the poor, and the rich who have must truly share with the poorest among us." In response to another question, the Algerian president said he was struck by Mr Camdessus' idea to expand the Group of 7 to 30. The idea to bring together creditor and debtor countries for discussions was good but after speaking to his African colleagues he felt that UNCTAD could become the facilitator between creditors and debtors so that African debt can be discussed in the appropriate forum. This he said was a crucial issue for Africa. In the same session, Thai premier Chuan Leekpai said the Thai crisis was initially due to a fall in foreign reserves as they had been used to fight an attack on the Thai currency. The sharp currency decline led to the disappearance of investor confidence and major capital outflows or "the bleeding of the country." He added that the agreement with the IMF was strict and limited fiscal spending. "But the situation did not improve, so we arranged to adjust the agreement from one requiring a fiscal surplus to one allowing a fiscal deficit. Clearly, the IMF's initial assessment of the situation was wrong." Chuan said Thailand used the crisis to undertake measures to prevent a recurrence such as revising the legal and regulatory framework and improving governance. Mozambique premier Pascoal Manuel Mocumbi said the first challenge facing Africa was: "How can we be part of the global picture when we have high poverty and weak institutions? How can we move people earning less than 50 cents a day up from that bracket and then go on to produce?" The second challenge was the debt crisis that impeded growth. "All that we have is used to pay off this debt." He was happy that "today there is agreement on the need for broader and deeper consideration of the issue." In the interactive part of the session, South African deputy president Jacob Zuma said the format and processes of the WTO did not allow for a good exchange of views as discussions in the WTO were in a negotiating mode. At UNCTAD X there was a freer atmosphere for discussions. He added that at the UNCTAD IX in Midrand, some had predicted the demise of UNCTAD. "We have succeeded in turning UNCTAD around at UNCTAD X. Many stakeholders have made their voices heard here. This forum can bring all stakeholders of the world together so we can discuss our problems." The Moroccan premier Abderrahman El-Youssoufi said UNCTAD should now endeavour to play its role in full. "After the failure of the WTO at Seattle, UNCTAD now enjoys more legitimacy and weight, and we have the opportunity to rethink the principles and guidelines of the multilateral trading system. Our institution should be a democratic forum where everyone can defend their views. It should be the appropriate framework for consensus to emerge. This is the optimistic impression from UNCTAD X." DEVELOPMENT: ALL EYES ON HOW UNCTAD DRIVES VEHICLE FOR NEW ORDER Bangkok, Feb 21 (IPS/Kalinga Seneviratne) -- At the just-finished tenth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) here, the often sidelined UN agency offered itself as the vehicle to kickstart a "new order" of trade negotiations where developing countries have a louder voice. This stands in contrast to how its clout appeared to wane in past years. In 1995, the Western powers, particularly the United States, wanted UNCTAD closed down after the World Trade Organisation (WTO) was established in 1995. Ironically, following the debacle of the WTO talks in Seattle last year, the Geneva-based UNCTAD seems to have got a new lease of life. At the Bangkok meeting of UNCTAD, even the developed countries urged it to play a more active role in bridging the gap between the North and South, which came into open conflict in Seattle. "Four years ago (when UNCTAD IX was held in South Africa) UNCTAD was completely isolated in relation to trade and technical cooperation, now virtually everyone is talking about it," observed UNCTAD's secretary-general Rubens Ricupero at a press conference at the end of the Bangkok meeting. "We rejoice at UNCTAD ideas becoming the mainstream," he added, but warning that there is lot more to be done to make it possible to implement many of the recommendations in the Plan of Action adopted here. The symbolism of UNCTAD acquiring a stronger voice in the global debate on economic governance and trade, with that of the South being heard clearer, cannot have come at a better time. A few months ago, the United States tried its best to block the appointment of Thailand's Deputy Prime Minister Supachai Panitchpakdi as director-general of the WTO, fearing that it may give the developing countries, as well as Japan, a greater say in world trade body's deliberations. Today, Supachai, despite doubts by activists that he can alter the balance of power that gives industrialised countries more clout in world trade talks, is seen at being at the forefront of moves to bring the North and the South together at the WTO. It is also a plus for his leadership of the UNCTAD conference -- he was conference president -- that the prime minister of Japan, Keizo Obuchi, was the only industrial country leader who bothered to turn up at Bangkok. As UNCTAD X president, Supachai had been given the task of spearheading the campaign to help implement the main theme of the Bangkok declaration -- to make the right to development a major component of the next round of trade talks at the WTO. When he takes over the reins of WTO in September 2002, he will still be holding the presidency of UNCTAD on behalf of Thailand. In his post-conference press conference, Supachai said cooperation between developed and developing countries must be institutionalised to tackle any future global financial crisis like that which struck Asia in the last two years. "If we run into another crisis, then we need to have cooperation between G7 and the developing countries, so that the deepening of the crisis could be prevented," he said. "So the combination of G-7 and the participating developing countries, if that could be institutionalised, would really be putting global policy coherence into practice." UNCTAD X's plan of action adopted here by consensus is designed to make globalisation an effective instrument for development. In his closing address to the conference, Ricupero said that the economic discourse of the past decade has been dominated by the 'Washington Consensus' with 12 rules of economic policy to which "all sensible people were supposed to agree". He noted that the assumption contained in those principles such as by liberalising, deregulating, privatising and getting prices right, private markets would allocate resources efficiently for growth, has been shown to be faulty. "This has proven inadequate for the insecurities and challenges of globalisation. We need to find a new 2000 paradigm," argued Ricupero. "The new consensus cannot be a Washington consensus, but as we have recognised in the poverty reduction strategies, countries must claim ownership and make it part of their national consensus." He said that he is tempted to offer a new set of 12 principles which he would call the 'Bangkok Consensus', but he would not do so as consensus could sometimes become self-destructive. Ricupero noted that during the last decade informed public opinion has converged toward liberal views of desired economic policies such as freer trade, promotion of the private sector and the imperative of macroeconomic stability. At the same time however, there is a strong sense that such standards should not be set exclusively by the developed countries. "A more inclusive and participatory decision-making process is needed at international level," he said. "This is one of the clearest appeals made at this conference by heads of state and government who have spoken." The elements of the 'new international order' that countries at the UNCTAD X conference said they wanted, Ricupero said, are the dismantling of the trade barriers in developed countries for agricultural, textile and clothing, recognition for efforts by developing countries in promoting regional economic solidarity; and making international economic institutions more pluralistic and participatory. But some delegates said the despite all of loud voices by the developing countries at the UNCTAD conference about reforming the international economic and financial system, the fact remained that no leader of the North, except Obuchi, turned up at Bangkok. When this was raised by the Algerian moderator of the heads of state forum Saturday, Thai Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai said most leaders he invited replied back by saying that this was meant to be only a ministerial conference. However, ministers from the North who attended the meeting, at least in public, seem to support UNCTAD's call for a North-South dialogue. "UNCTAD X offers us, industrialised and developing countries alike, the opportunity to make up for what we lost in Seattle. The chance to ensure that the ownership of WTO will be universal," said Netherlands Trade Minister Gerrit Ybema. At the same though, the same trade interests dictated positions during negotiations on the conference's documents. For instance, the least developed countries (LDCs) wanted duty and quota free access for their products, but the European Union wanted access only for "essentially all" items. Martin Khor, director of the Malaysia-based Third World Network, said: "With the failure of Seattle the rich countries are now more willing to find out what's really have gone wrong," noted Khor. "At UNCTAD X developing countries were getting their act together to make use of this opportunity." Khor argues that developing country criticism of the existing world order must be transformed into proposals for changes that can be backed up politically in the international fora. "I think there's a long way to go," he added. "UNCTAD is helping to build a culture of democracy which the World Bank would be well advised to follow suit," argues Prapansak Kamolpetch, chairman of the People's Assembly, the largest network of Thai NGOs. He noted that UNCTAD X provided ample opportunity for NGO representatives to "speak directly" to delegates. If the World Bank and WTO learn to take the same participatory and analytical approach, then "we will have a new era for trade and development", Prapansak argued. From rob@essential.org Mon, 28 Feb 2000 19:28:51 -0500 (EST) Date: Mon, 28 Feb 2000 19:28:51 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] Export Credit Agencies: The Hidden Agents of Corporate Globalization -New Internet Site- Export Credit Agencies: The Hidden Agents of Corporate Globalization www.eca-watch.org Citizens worldwide are increasingly aware of global institutions (like the WTO and the World Bank) and their harmful impacts on the environment and human rights. But other secretive, often overlooked government bodies known as export credit agencies also play a leading role in the process of corporate globalization. Non governmental organizations (NGOs), journalists, government officials, academics and others increasingly seek information on Export Credit Agencies (ECAs). Important issues of concern include ECAs' project impacts, their lack of transparency and consultation with civil society, and their failure to make progress in adopting internationally accepted environmental and social policies. In response, the ECA Reform Campaign Internet site has been established to provide helpful background material, policy analysis, case studies, news articles, feature projects and campaign contacts. As a timely feature, the ECA Reform Campaign Internet site contains a February 24, 2000 NGO press release and protest letter to the OECD Working Party on Export Credits and Credit Guarantees, which meets February 24 and 25 in Paris to discuss environmental issues. The letter protests the OECD Working Party's refusal to meet with the NGOs that focus on the ECA reform effort, and the failure of world's biggest ECAs to make meaningful progress toward achieving environmental mandates of the G-8. You can find the press release and letter at www.eca-watch.org/actionalerts.html What are ECAs? Export Credit Agencies and Investment Insurance Agencies, commonly known as ECAs, are public agencies that provide government-backed loans, guarantees and insurance to corporations from their home country that seek to do business overseas in developing countries and emerging markets. Most industrialized nations have at least one ECA, which is usually an official or quasi-official branch of their government. ECAs are now the world's biggest class of public finance institutions supporting private sector projects, collectively exceeding in size the World Bank Group. What are their impacts? Because of the inherent risks of controversial projects in the mining, forestry, oil and gas, coal, power sectors, many of these potentially harmful projects in the developing world could not go forward but for the support of bilateral ECAs. These ECAs provide the political and financial support that allows corporations to proceed with projects that harm the environment and disrupt the lives of the people in the affected regions. Yet, like the World Bank Group 20 years ago, most ECAs have no environmental and social standards nor development mandate. This creates a race to the bottom, a vicious cycle where more and more harmful projects are attracted to ECAs for financing, which simultaneously serves as a disincentive to efforts to strengthen all international finance institutions. What is the ECA reform campaign about? The ECA Reform Campaign believes that public taxpayer money should not be spent on ecologically and socially harmful projects. The International ECA Reform Campaign objectives are to see that all ECAs adopt and upgrade environmental and social policies and to support the advocacy efforts of affected people against specific harmful projects. For More Information Contact: Doug Norlen, Pacific Environment and Resources Center; dnorlen@igc.org, and Emilie Thenard, Center for International Environmental Law; ethenard@ciel.org Please feel free to re-post this notice widely. From rob@essential.org Tue, 29 Feb 2000 00:40:58 -0500 (EST) Date: Tue, 29 Feb 2000 00:40:58 -0500 (EST) From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org Subject: [stop-imf] NYT: More Openness to Select Camdessus Successor February 28, 2000 New York Times The Next Leader of the I.M.F. The International Monetary Fund, the guardian of global financial stability, will soon select its next director. Unhappily, and true to form, it is proceeding in secret, with little opportunity for the public to appraise the leading candidates or their views on critical questions about the future of the fund. The lack of openness is intolerable for one of the world's most influential organizations. The fund's primary mission is to stamp out currency crises like those that struck Korea, Thailand and Russia in recent years. In exchange for a bailout, the fund extracts commitments by beleaguered countries to change their monetary, fiscal, banking and other economic policies to the liking of the fund. Critics accuse the fund of overreaching. It intervenes in dozens of countries, only some of which are in immediate financial turmoil, to fight poverty or to help shift their economies from socialism to capitalism. The fund's mixed record of success has led powerful members of Congress to ask whether the fund should leave issues of poverty and development to the World Bank. There are also important questions about whether the fund should bail out fewer countries, pour less money into bankrupt nations, impose less onerous conditions on its loans or lift the debt of poverty-stricken societies. The next director will face these and many other difficult issues. Yet not one of the three top candidates has adequately described in public how he would handle them or made clear whether he would try to lead the fund in new directions. Stanley Fischer, deputy director of the fund and a former chairman of the economics department at M.I.T, has been endorsed by several African and Arab countries. He is widely respected for his intelligence, policy acumen, experience and commitment to helping poor countries. If Mr. Fischer is prepared to rethink some of the fund's policies, and can shake free of the customs of an institution that he has helped lead since 1994, he would almost certainly be the best man for the job. The White House, which would doubtless like to see Mr. Fischer installed as director, cannot openly support him. The reason is an outdated gentlemen's agreement among nations that a European should run the I.M.F. while an American manages the World Bank. For the moment, the leading European candidate is Caio Koch-Weser, deputy finance minister of Germany and a former official at the World Bank. Though he was effective at the World Bank, his leadership skills and qualifications to run the fund are questionable. The third candidate, Eisuke Sakakibara, a former vice minister of financ