From rob@essential.org Sun, 9 Jan 2000 22:14:38 -0500 (EST)
Date: Sun, 9 Jan 2000 22:14:38 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] Kenyan campaign against IMF
Copyright 2000 InterPress Service, all rights reserved.
Worldwide distribution via the APC networks.
*** 06-Jan-0* ***
Title: ECONOMY-KENYA: New Pressure Group Opposes IMF Plan To Resume Aid
By Judith Achieng'
NAIROBI, Jan 6 (IPS) - Kenyan opposition groups have launched a
new pressure body to campaign against the resumption of aid to the
East African country by the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
Finance minister Chris Okemo said this week that an IMF team is
expected in Kenya by Jan 24 to resume negotiations which will lead
to the eventual resumption of aid suspended three years ago.
The new lobby group, made up of eight opposition members of
parliament, lawyers and civil society, is unconvinced that the
government of president Daniel arap Moi has met all the conditions
set by the IMF to warrant resumption of aid to Kenya.
The pressure body, known as Stakeholders Support Group (SSG)
also challenges the Bretton Woods institution to tabulate
achievements made by Moi's government on each of the conditions it
had set, if it is truly committed to ensuring accountability and
transparency in Kenya.
''We are deeply surprised that the IMF is now convinced that
the government has put in place sufficient reforms to merit the
resumption of aid to Kenya,'' the group's spokesperson Apollo
Njonjo told journalists this week.
The IMF and other major donors suspended funding to Kenya in
July 1997 citing inability by Moi's government to stamp out
official corruption which has seen millions of shillings from
government treasury going into the pockets of a few individuals
close to power.
Since then, many development projects have stalled in the East
African country, roads have deteriorated and have become
impassable due to lack of maintenance.
The IMF says Kenya needs a significant and sustained efforts to
curb corruption in the government before it can put in place a new
lending programme.
But the government says it has fulfilled all the conditions
spelt out, which includes the setting up of an anti-corruption
authority and trimming down of the country's bloated civil
service.
Kenya seeks IMF aid under its subsidised Poverty Reduction and
Growth Facility, which provides low interest loans to countries
which cannot afford private loans with high interest rates.
In December last year, the IMF gave the go-ahead of final round
of negotiations with the Kenyan government in a long process which
is expected to result in resumption of aid this year.
For the government, resumption of aid at this point is crucial
for its fragile economy, coming at a time when it is relying on
IMF to settle 30 billion shillings required to pay off some 600,
000 civil servants in its retrenchment programme.
With an average growth rate of about 1.7 percent, the former
British colony's economy is at a near standstill, and the shilling
which in 1997 used to change for 60 to the dollar has now fallen
to 72.
Kenya is also ranked among the 40 developing countries that
spend large shares of their revenues on servicing growing debts,
with about 25 percent of its resources going back to donors,
compared with 6.8 percent on education and 2.7 percent going to
health.
The anti-aid lobby says the Bretton Woods institution would
only be taking part in the political power game which has
maintained Moi's regime for 21 years in power and which has
impoverished Kenya's 30 million people. ''The Kenyan people will
not accept to pay back opaque loans contracted by a theft-ridden
regime,'' says Njonjo.
The group also wants resumption of aid to Kenya tied to the
constitutional reform process to reduce presidential powers, which
has hit a snag, with the opposition accusing the ruling Kenya
African National Union (KANU) of frustrating the process in a bid
to maintain its hold on to power.
The constitutional reform process began in 1992, with the
change of clauses which transformed Kenya into a multiparty state,
and also reduced the head of state's term of service from life to
a minimum of two five-year terms.
The lobby group says it fears the current constitution will
give the ruling party power to extend Moi's term, which expires in
2002. The members have also accused the British government of
prevailing upon the IMF to resume aid to Kenya in a bid to
maintain Moi's regime, which, they say, has helped retain
thousands of British Asians.
''We are aware of the activities of the British High Commission
and (sir) Jeffrey James (High Commissioner) in particular, in
cajoling the IMF, the World Bank and other donors into resuming
aid under the guise of impeding the break up of the country,''
says Njonjo.
''The British have interpreted that the preservation of British
Asians in Kenya can only be assured by the continuation of Moi and
KANU at the helm of state affairs after 2002,''
he claims.
There has been no reaction from the British High Commission in
Kenya.
Despite the campaign, economists say donor aid is badly needed
to restore the Kenyan economy, only if the money will not end up
in the pockets of a few individuals close to power.
''The government should not have power over the (donor) money
anymore. Kenyans have become poorer, through corrupt deals and
tendering procedures,'' says Beth Mugo, who runs the Nairobi-based
Council for Economic Empowerment of Women in Africa (CEEWA).
''There is absolutely nothing wrong with aid. Our people just
have the misconception that aid is free. They don't know that we
have to pay for it,'' says Mugo.
Kenya's economic analyst, Robert Shaw agrees. ''For any resumed
donor support, the government has to be absolutely clear and
transparent on how it's going to send the money. It is not a
question of the money going into a pot,'' he says.
For ordinary Kenyans like Jackson Mwangi, a shoe shiner on a
Nairobi street, the prospect of aid resumption is good news and
those opposing it have not felt the pinch. ''Ordinary Kenyans have
been suffering since 1997. It is good that we are going to get aid
finally,'' he says.
''Most of the people opposing aid are rich, their children are
abroad, we are the ones who are suffering,'' he
says.(END/IPS/ja/mn/00)
From rob@essential.org Sun, 9 Jan 2000 22:26:40 -0500 (EST)
Date: Sun, 9 Jan 2000 22:26:40 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] Germany To Write Off Debts Worth 5 Billion Dollars (fwd)
Copyright 2000 InterPress Service, all rights reserved.
Worldwide distribution via the APC networks.
*** 06-Jan-0* ***
Title: DEVELOPMENT: Germany To Write Off Debts Worth 5 Billion Dollars
By Ramesh Jaura
BONN, Jan 6 (IPS) - Responding to strong campaigning pressure by
the global Jubilee 2000 Coalition, Germany's Development Minister
Heidemarie Wieczorek-Zeul has confirmed that the Berlin government
will write off 100 percent of the bilateral debts of some 30
poorest countries of the world.
The initiative will begin to be translated into action this
year, said Wieczorek-Zeul in a statement made available to IPS
this week. "We plan to cancel debts worth about 9 billion marks
(five billion dollars)".
The figure includes commercial loans that have yet to be paid
back. In addition, Germany will back the 15-nation European
Union's debt cancellation initiative, contributing about 360
million dollars, said Wieczorek-Zeul.
While she did not name the countries whose debts will be
cancelled, an official at the development ministry said, countries
which would benefit from the debt write-offs are those included in
the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries initiative (HIPC).
HIPC is the international vehicle for debt rescheduling and
cancellation, managed by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and
the World Bank. 41 of the world's poorest qualify for HIPC, but
they have to prove their ability to meet stringentic
conditions before any debt cancellation.
Countries enjoying debt forgiveness are required to put into
place a comprehensive and participatory poverty reduction
strategy, said Wieczorek-Zeul.
"We want to ensure that wide sections of the population in
developing countries really gain from debt cancellation - by way
of better opportunities for education, improved health care and
proper counselling for family planning," she added.
The rationale behind debt forgiveness was to give highly
indebted countries a "room for financial manoeuvre The affirmation
of Germany's vow to write off the debts of
world's poorest countries came within three months of President
Bill Clinton pledging cancellation for poor-countrmeetings in
Washington last September.
Earlier, Canada had committed similar pledges to writing off
the debts of world's poorest countries.
Last month, Britain followed suit, with the Jubilee 2000
Coalition of some 1,800 church and other non-governmental
organisations, praising the "magnanimous gesture", but warning
that it was "not yet clear cut" whether Britain's actions will
make a difference and save children's lives. 19,000 children a day
are dying because of the debt burden, claims Jubilee 2000 drawing
upon the latest annual report of the UN Children's Fund
(Unicef).
The world-wide Jubilee 2000 Coalition has emerged from years of
campaigning by southern movements on debt and the ternal debt
burdens and new credit agreements.
Jubilee 2000 in the south comes out of many of those struggles,
says Friedel Huetz-Adams of Erlassjahr 2000, Germany chapter of
the Jubilee 2000 Coalition.
As the developing ith offers of big loans at very low rates of
interest. Many
countries in Latin America took up the offer and soon found that
with interest rate rises and commodity price decreases they
couldn't keep up the repayments.
Countries in Africa, which proclaimed independence later, were
forewarned about the pitfalls of the debt trap butt. Still lacking
control over their own resources, they
were desperate for credit to match the high expectations of their
people and inevitably took the loans eagerly offer conditions
attached to these loans became
onerous to the population, who found they were not benefiting from
the international lending process.
>From Argentina to Zambia, initial resistance took the form of
strikes and demonstrations when the first price rises for basic
goods followed the implementation of various programmes based on
the adjustment models of the IMF and World Bank. As debt and
adjustment continued, a more coordinated people's response
emerged.
This mass opposition has prompted policy-makers in the
developing world to propose various alternatives to the IMF's
Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs). For example, the African
Alternative Framework to SAPs (AAF-SAP) was put forward in 1989 by
the U.N. Economic Commission for Africa under the bayo Adedeji who
later became an Under Secretary-General of the
world body.
Later adopted by the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and
receiving the support of the U.N. General Assemblyk and IMF and
western leaders.
An official at the German development ministry dismissed
suggestions that Germany - which claims the third largest poor-
country debt, amounting to 6.1 billion dollars, after France's
11.7 billion dollars and Japan's 10.5 billion dollars - was
dithering on implementing the debt cancellation initiative.
The plan was first agreed at the Cologne summit of the Group of
Seven (G-7) major industrial countries.
"This was very much an initiative taken by us,reen Party - in
power
since October 1998 - has been leading the debt cancellation
initiative.
Nevertheless, because of complicated mechanisms involved, most
of the 41 countries considered to qualify - in principle - for the
HIPC initiative will have to wait for some time to enjoy the
benefit of debt cancellation.
Until now seven countries - Bolivia, Burkina Faso, Cote
d'Ivoire, Guyana, Mali, Mozambique and Uganda - have qualified for
debt relief under the HIPC initiative totalling about 3.4 billion
dollars in Net Present Value (NPV) Terms.
The sustainable level.(END/IPS/raj/mn/00)
From rob@essential.org Mon, 10 Jan 2000 10:51:51 -0500 (EST)
Date: Mon, 10 Jan 2000 10:51:51 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] IMF Head Urges More Reforms
IMF Head Urges More Reforms
January 10, 2000
PARIS (AP) via NewsEdge Corporation -
Michel Camdessus, the outgoing managing director of the
International Monetary Fund, said today that the IMF should be given
better-defined responsibilities and more political weight.
``I believe in the political responsibility of multilateral
institutions,''
Camdessus said in an interview with the French financial daily Les
Echos.
Camdessus said that the IMF's interim committee _ currently a
consultative grouping with no executive powers _ should be
transformed into a full-fledged decision-making body.
He also said that he would like to turn the G7 summit into a wider
gathering every two years by including the IMF's 24 board member
countries, the World Bank and the secretary-general of the United
Nations.
``This would, at last, enable us to establish a coordination of
strategies,'' he said.
The G7, or Group of Seven major industrial nations, gathers the
political leaders of the United States, Canada, Japan, Britain,
France, Germany and Italy for periodic meetings.
Camdessus, who has made it clear he will resign in mid-February,
said he is proud of the support the IMF provided during his tenure to
countries such as Poland.
``Today Poland can hope to join not only the European Union, but
also the euro,'' Camdessus said, referring to the single European
currency. ``They are aiming for a balanced budget in 2003, inflation
below 4 percent and, by that date, they should have completed
privatization.''
He warned that the dispute between the IMF and Russia was yet to be
resolved.
He said that although Russia has met economic criteria set by the
IMF, the Russian Parliament has failed to adopt two key pieces of
legislation. One covers financial institution bankruptcies and the
other, transfers to state coffers from government-owned monopolies.
From rob@essential.org Mon, 10 Jan 2000 13:21:53 -0500 (EST)
Date: Mon, 10 Jan 2000 13:21:53 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] IMF managing director update (fwd)
World Bank Development News, 01/10/00.
NEGOTIATIONS FOR IMF TOP JOB ADVANCING: KOCH-WESER.
The negotiations surrounding the choice of a successor to IMF Managing
Director Michel Camdessus
are advancing, Les Echos (France, p.10) reports German Deputy Finance Minister
Caio Koch-Weser said last Friday. "I can't really comment on this subject, but
what I can say is that the political process has advanced," he said on the
sidelines of the G7 deputy finance ministers' meeting in Tokyo. "There is a
feeling that we need to come quickly to a conclusion," he added, declining to
comment on the strength of European support for his candidacy.
The news comes as Jim Hoagland writes in the International Herald Tribune
(p.8)
and the Washington Post (p. B7) that national pride and national political
ambition survive into the global era. The hunt for a new managing director for
the IMF has turned into a quagmire of subterfuge and rivalry among rich
nations.
The governments that have relentlessly preached to their citizens the need to
adjust to the era of globalization should take their own words to heart and
see
that the IMF gets the leadership it needs at this critical moment.
"As we re-examine the role of the Fund, we must not underestimate what is our
bread and butter," IMF Deputy Managing Director Stanley Fischer is quoted as
saying in a Washington Post story reprinted in the IHT. "Crisis lending is a
critical part of what we do, but it is far from the most important thing we
do...The Fund is one of the most important ways, possibly the most important
way, that the international community promotes good macroeconomic policies
around the world."
Europolitique meanwhile also reports on German press reports that US Treasury
Secretary Lawrence Summers has proposed to Europeans that if they withdrew
Koch-Weser's candidacy for the IMF job, the next World Bank president could go
to Europe. World Bank President James Wolfensohn has already been reappointed
to a second five-year term, notes the story.
From rob@essential.org Mon, 10 Jan 2000 17:52:18 -0500 (EST)
Date: Mon, 10 Jan 2000 17:52:18 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] =?X-UNKNOWN?Q?WORKER_RIGHTS_KEY_TO_DEVELOPMENT_-_WORLD__B?=
=?X-UNKNOWN?Q?ANK=92S_STIGLITZ=3B_Reuters_?=
Reuters January 8, 2000
WORKER RIGHTS KEY TO DEVELOPMENT - WORLD BANK=92S STIGLITZ
BOSTON - In a new broadside against Washington=92s response to the Asian
financial crisis, the World Bank=92s outgoing chief economist said Saturday
that workers=92 rights should be a central focus of development.
=09Joseph Stiglitz, who leaves the bank later this month after a
string of well-publicized complaints of the way the international
community responded to the crisis, said policy makers had been so anxious
to ensure investors did not take flight that they neglected the social
costs of their policy prescriptions.
=09=93A standard message was to increase labor market flexibility, and
the not-so-subtle subtext was to lower wages and lay off workers,=94
Stiglitz told the American Economics Association in a keynote address,
which won him a standing ovation from his fellow analysts.
=09=93In East Asia it was reckless lending by international banks and
other financial institutions, combined with reckless borrowing by domestic
financial institutions ... which may have precipitated the crisis. But the
costs, in terms of soaring unemployment and plummeting wages, were borne
by the workers.=94
=09Stiglitz, a former economic adviser to President Clinton, has
repeatedly angered the Washington establishment with his blunt criticism
of the way it responded to financial problems in Asia and beyond.
Complaining about initial proposals from the so-called Washington
consensus of the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the U.S.
Treasury, he said lenders=92 demands that countries curb spending and raise
interest rates had made the crisis worse.
=09=93Not only was the Washington consensus too narrow in its
objectives, in its focus on GDP, but also in what it saw as the
instruments of development,=94 he said Saturday. He added: =93I believe tha=
t
there is some chance that some of the disastrous economic decisions that
were made in responding to the East Asian economic crisis would not have
occurred had workers had a voice in the decision making.=94
=09Stiglitz has also lobbied for capital controls to shield countries
from volatile flows of money and investment and he said on Saturday that
free capital movements had brought few benefits for ordinary workers.
=09=93Capital market liberalization has not only not brought people the
prosperity they were promised, but it has also brought these crises, with
wages falling 20 or 30 percent, and unemployment going up by a factor of
two, three, four or 10,=94 he said.
=09The Asian crisis started in Thailand in July 1997, some months
after Stiglitz joined the bank. Initially viewed in Washington as a local
problem affecting one not particularly significant country, it spread
quickly across Asia and beyond, pushing countries into recession and
forcing unemployment up.
=09=93When the crisis hit, the international institutions forced,
encouraged, the countries to raise interest rates and to engage in
contractionary fiscal policies which led to severe recession,=94 he said.
=93Firms were encouraged to lay off workers.=94
=09Stiglitz admitted lenders had also encouraged countries to develop
a social safety net to help those laid off in the post-crisis recessions.
But this would not solve the problems. =93There is no safety net that can
fully replace the security provided by an economy running at full
employment, no welfare system will ever restore the dignity that comes
from work,=94 he said. =93It is imperative that countries not only work to
put into place policies that prevent crises and minimize their magnitude
and adverse consequences, but respond to these crises in ways that
maintain as high a level of employment as possible.=94
From rob@essential.org Thu, 13 Jan 2000 12:15:34 -0500 (EST)
Date: Thu, 13 Jan 2000 12:15:34 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] IMF looks to broader base of support for restructuring programs
IMF looks to broader base of support for restructuring programs
SINGAPORE, Jan 13 (AFP) - The International Monetary Fund (IMF) will secure
broader support for its programs from various sectors of society to make
them more effective and sucessful, an IMF official said Thursday.
"Clearly, we think that programs work better and quicker if there is this
broader sense of ownership," said Thomas Dawson, IMF director for external
relations.
"When a budget is drawn up, and targets are agreed to, an assessment has to
be made as to its viability," he told a gathering of foreign correspondents
here.
This is why "fund missions do regularly meet with elements in the
opposition, with elements in civil society, labor unions in particular to
... make a judgment of what is doable and achieveable," he added.
He cited the success of the IMF's program in South Korea, attributing it to
that country's leadership and its willingness to support financial
restructuring.
Dawson was responding to a question on whether IMF programs, especially for
the ailing Asian economies during the financial crisis, could have been more
effective if it had gained more support from sectors of society apart from
government.
The IMF spearheaded rescue packages worth billions of dollars for the
economies of Indonesia, South Korea and Thailand in exchange for their
adherence to reform measures, some of which were met with widespread
protest.
Dawson said his trip through Japan and Singapore were among a series of
visits by IMF officials to gain feedback on the Fund's programs, including
from the media, opposition groups and labor unions.
The IMF is at the forefront of efforts to devise new financial architecture
that can help prevent a repeat of the financial crisis which plunged most of
Asia into recession in 1998.
Dawson expected speculation to grow on who would be the successor to IMF
chief Michel Camdessus in the run to the Group of Seven finance ministers'
meeting in Tokyo on January 22.
Camdessus is to step down in February after nearly 13 years in office.
"There's a G7 ministers' meeting in about 10 days in Tokyo so I suspect
speculation will increase," said Dawson, noting a "growing rather than
shrinking list" of candidates for the top position.
The G7 is made up of Britain, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, and the
United States.
From rob@essential.org Fri, 14 Jan 2000 10:59:25 -0500 (EST)
Date: Fri, 14 Jan 2000 10:59:25 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] Report on April 16 IMF action planning
Report from 50 Years is Enough on very important upcoming demonstration:
Report on
WASHINGTON, D.C. MEETING TO PLAN
IMF/WORLD BANK PROTEST FOR APRIL 16 - 17, 2000
On Tuesday, January 11, 2000 a group of 62 activists met in Washington at
the University of the District of Columbia to begin planning in earnest
for a big mobilization around the IMF/World Bank Spring Meetings, April
16-17, 2000. This is seen as a logical follow-up to the WTO protests in
Seattle.
The energy level is high and people from a great array of organizations
are coming together to make this happen. We are working toward, and
looking forward to, an amazing event on Sunday, April 16 in Washington,
DC.
The meeting reviewed the reasons for targeting the IMF and World Bank, and
the 13-year history of mobilizations at their meetings. We also talked
about the organizing that is already going on around the U.S. and the
world. Meetings have taken place in many cities to report back on the
events in Seattle. At many of those meetings -- including at least those
in San Francisco, Chicago, Boston, Baltimore, Burlington [VT], Winnipeg,
and Washington -- the April mobilizations in Washington have been
discussed and greeted with a lot of enthusiasm. Word has gone out
internationally, as groups work to bring people from the countries most
affected by IMF/World Bank policies (i.e., those in the South -- Africa,
Latin America, Asia-Pacific).
Many of the groups that were most active in organizing for Seattle are
also working toward April 16 - 17 and several were represented at the
meeting. Those that fall into one or both categories include: Direct
Action Network, Global Exchange, Rainforest Action Network, Art &
Revolution, Ruckus Society, Public Citizen's Global Trade Watch, and
Friends of the Earth. Also many local groups are very interested in
working on a shut-down of the meetings.
We discussed the organizing structure that was used for Seattle (working
groups, affinity groups, organizing collective, spokescouncil). On the
agenda for the next meeting (January 25th) is a discussion about our
organizing structure for the April 16 - 17 Mobilization. Other aspects of
the Seattle organizing -- action guidelines, solidarity agreements, legal
teams, media teams -- were also highlighted as possible models for our
organizing and actions.
We noted the need to put out a call of action very soon to get
organizations around the country and world committed and stating what kind
of support they can offer for this effort.
The heart of the meeting was brainstorming about the kind of action(s)
we'd like to see and what working groups we would need to make that
happen. We finally broke into the working groups listed below, with the
proviso that we will remain flexible as needs and opportunities develop.
Included in this list is the tasks each agreed on and the next meeting
time/place and contact person. For those reading this outside of
Washington, feel free to pass this information on to D.C. activists who
would like to get involved.
MEDIA
Work: Developing press kit, identify target media, work on press lists,
core group to talk to media, talk to TV bookers. Avoid reinventing wheel
by talking to those who did this in Seattle. Identify issue experts and
spokespeople on behalf of the organizing coalition.
Next Meeting: Monday 1/24 at 7 p.m, 2100 19th St. NW #702
OUTREACH
Work: Lots of interest in local outreach and interest in other kinds of
outreach to students, faith-based groups, labor, etc
Next Meeting: Tues 1/18 at 7 pm, Wilson High School Room 113 - Nebraska
Ave. & Chesapeake St. (Tenleytown metro)
LOGISTICS
Work: Arrange for nurses, doctors, water, port-a-potties, transportation
(blocks of buses, picking up people at airport). Blocks of rooms at cheap
hotels, churches, campgrounds, volunteer for homestays. Need to talk right
away with people who handled this in Seattle. Looking for workspace/
office space.
Next Meeting: Mon 1/17 at 7 pm, 1640 Hobart St. NW
FUNDRAISING
Work: Take existing letter from Seattle and adapt. Find a 501c3 to funnel
money thru, with suggestion it could be Alliance for Global Justice. In
Seattle, lots of sponsoring organizations kicked in between $3k-$10k. Set
a minimum co-sponsorship contribution for the April 16 - 17 mobilization
of US$1.00.
Next Meeting: 1/20 1 pm (lunch) at Zorba's Dupont Circle - 21st Street
TRAINING/WORKSHOPS
Work: Good to do Ruckus type camp from April 1-8. Talked about puppets,
props etc.
Next Meeting: Thursday 1/13, 7 pm, Xando on R/Connecticut NW
COMMUNICATIONS:
Work: Set up website for central info which would be for prep and during
meeting. Identify ways to communicate with Jubilee 2000, School Of the
Americas Watch, Earth Day, etc. Establish listserv for local and national.
"Day of" communications: cell phones, radios etc. Reliable calendar of
events.
Next Meeting: 1/18 Tuesday 7 pm at Woodley Caf=E9 across from Woodley Park
Metro station.
PROPAGANDA/MESSAGE:
Work: Develop messages & write documents. Do outreach to organizations
(including in South) to develop message. Work with Training, Media, etc.
to get messages out.
Next Meeting: Wed 1/19 at 6:00 at CIEL 1367 Conn. Ave #300. South exit of
Dupont.
SCENARIO/ACTION:
Work: Week-long of buildup activities and trainings prior to April 16 -
17. Set up in-kind committee to get donated materials (make this a subset
of Fundraising).
Next Meeting: Wed 1/19 at Friends of the Earth at noon: 1025 Vermont Ave
NW #300. McPherson Square metro.
[Note: No one was present for the Legal Working Group; it will be formed
later]
We are interested in getting people outside of Washington involved in
appropriate working groups. If you have a contribution to make, please
contact the appropriate person or the provisional clearinghouse. We are
also exploring possibilities for meetings by conference call in order to
include/involve organizers around the country.
For the time being, the Alliance for Global Justice and the 50 Years Is
Enough Network have agreed to serve as central contact points for
information on the mobilization. We can be reached at wb50years@igc.org
(web: www.50years.org) 202/IMF-BANK or 202/544-9355, respectively.
The next meeting of the large group is Tuesday, January 25 at 7 p.m. It
will probably be at the same location (UDC), but we have to confirm with
the university.
From rob@essential.org Fri, 14 Jan 2000 15:23:59 -0500 (EST)
Date: Fri, 14 Jan 2000 15:23:59 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] IMF news (fwd)
1/14/00, World Bank Development News
IMF LOOKS TO BROADER BASE OF SUPPORT FOR ADJUSTMENT PROGRAMS.
The IMF will secure broader support for its programs from various sectors of
society to make them more effective and successful, AFP reports an IMF
official
said yesterday. "Clearly, we think that programs work better and quicker if
there is this broader sense of ownership," IMF External Relations Director
Thomas Dawson said in Singapore. "When a budget is drawn up, and targets are
agreed to, an assessment has to be made as to its viability."
This is why "Fund missions do regularly meet with elements in the opposition,
with elements in civil society, labor unions in particular to...make a
judgment
of what is doable and achievable," he added, citing the success of the IMF's
program in South Korea, where there was leadership and willingness to support
financial restructuring. Dawson said his trip through Japan and Singapore were
among a series of visits by IMF officials to gain feedback on the Fund's
programs, including from the media, opposition groups, and labor unions.
Meanwhile, AFP notes in a separate report that Japanese Foreign Minister Yohei
Kono said in Paris yesterday Japan had no candidate to succeed outgoing IMF
Managing Director Michel Camdessus. "Japan has no concrete proposal," he said
during an address to the French Institute for International Relations (IFRI).
Traditionally, notes the story, the top job at the IMF goes to a European, but
this is being increasingly called into question. Former Japanese Vice Finance
Minister Eisuke Sakakibara has been mooted for the job, but Kono said: "In my
opinion, there will be different proposals and different candidates. It is not
necessary to give the job to a specific region.
From rob@essential.org Fri, 14 Jan 2000 23:05:20 -0500 (EST)
Date: Fri, 14 Jan 2000 23:05:20 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] ECONOMY: Confessions of the Washington Ideologues (fwd)
Excellent piece by Abid Aslam:
Robert Weissman
Essential Information | Internet: rob@essential.org
Copyright 2000, Inter Press Service
ECONOMY: Confessions of the Washington Ideologues
Analysis - By Abid Aslam
WASHINGTON, Jan 14 (IPS) - The past week has seen remarkable confessions
from officials at the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF)
about policy positions that have affected millions of people in borrowing
countries.
First, Joseph Stiglitz, outgoing chief economist and senior vice president
of the World Bank, faulted not only the results but also the very intent of
the agencies' response to the "Asian financial crisis." This, he said, had
been designed to coddle investors at the expense of workers.
"A standard message was to increase labour market flexibility, and the
not-so-subtle subtext was to lower wages and lay off workers," Stiglitz
declared.
The results included spiraling unemployment and severe deflation - falling
prices as a result of declining economic activity - a combination that
consigned 40 percent of the global economy to recession. This, even as
IMF-led emergency financing poured more than 100 billion dollars on the
financial wildfire that engulfed Asia and spread to Latin America.
Also this week, a team of IMF staffers admitted - albeit implicitly - that
their agency had been driven by ideology rather than empirical observation
in doggedly opposing capital controls. These are measures to regulate the
speed and volatility with which short-term and speculative investment -
so-called "hot money" - is allowed to cross borders.
Investors would shun countries using controls, the IMF has long argued,
setting back long-term hopes of tapping relatively cheap financing for
national development.
This week, the agency's Monetary and Exchange Affairs Department admitted
in a report that controlling both the inflows and outflows of capital has,
to varying degrees, helped countries to protect themselves from crisis.
Indeed, overwhelming capital inflows precipitated Asia's woes by
encouraging investment in projects of questionable financial pedigree and
economic merit.
The experience of countries that have sought to control short-term capital
inflows showed that "to be effective, the coverage of the controls needs to
be comprehensive, and the controls need to be forcefully implemented." Case
studies included Brazil in 1993-97, Chile in 1991-98, and Malaysia in 1994.
What's more, the IMF team conceded, Malaysian moves to control outflows
since 1998 - first by preventing, then by regulating foreigners seeking to
repatriate their investments - appear to have paid off.
"Since the introduction of the controls, there have been no signs of
speculative pressures on the exchange rate, despite the marked relaxation
of fiscal and monetary policies to support weak economic activity," the IMF
admitted. "Nor have there been signs that a parallel or nondeliverable
forward market is emerging; and no significant circumvention of efforts
have been reported."
Technical jargon notwithstanding, "it's so nice to see this arrogant and
disdainful agency have to eat crow," or admit it was wrong in slamming
Malaysia for introducing controls against IMF advice, said Doug Hellinger,
executive director of the Development Group for Alternative Policies
(DGAP), a Washington think tank.
That pleasure, Hellinger told IPS, was tempered by the knowledge that
vulnerable countries have been denied what the Fund now admits is a
legitimate policy tool.
What's more, the confession was not without considerable qualification.
"This review of...capital controls in 14 countries cannot be considered
exhaustive and it again illustrates the difficulty of precisely assessing
the effect of capital controls, which may have benefits as well as costs,"
the IMF report said.
As far as Malaysia was concerned, "the jury is still out," insisted Stefan
Ingves, a former Swedish central banker who now heads the department that
produced the IMF report.
Malaysia was well on its way to recovery, but time would reveal whether
the country would be punished with higher costs of access to international
capital markets. Nor could the IMF tell how much of Malaysia's improvement
was due to the capital controls and how much was because of other domestic
and international factors.
In any event, according to the report, "capital controls cannot substitute
for sound macroeconomic policies. Countries with serious macroeconomic
imbalances, and no credible prospect for improvement in the short run, were
regularly unable to address large-scale capital flows or their adverse
economic effects by using capital controls."
Thus, the Fund appeared to balance its retreat on capital controls with a
renewed push for economic restructuring in borrowing countries.
"Now that they're wrong, they raise other factors," Hellinger said. "They
never raised them before when their position was simple and outright
rejection of controls."
For years, the Fund has been urging countries to open their capital
markets to overseas investors and, until last year, had actively sought to
amend its charter so it could require member states to do so.
Enthusiasm for this idea has waned amid the financial crises of the past
three years. Successive meetings of IMF and World Bank member states have
seen a growing number of delegates from borrowing countries question the
merits of removing all restraints on what they see as herds of roaming
speculators.
By late 1998, the IMF had begun to shift its emphasis, urging a gradual
and properly-sequenced process of liberalisation to help countries mitigate
unsettling side-effects.
By last September's annual meetings of the Bretton Woods siblings, there
was no formal talk of the need to liberalise - much less make this part of
the IMF's central mission.
This does not mean the agenda has been abandoned, however. Fund and
outside analysts alike said this week that the agency was updating its
hymnal but its underlying religion remained unchanged.
"In the long run," Ingves argued, "capital controls are bad."
(END/IPS/12/EF/aa/ks/00)
From soren@igc.org Mon, 17 Jan 2000 04:02:51 -0500
Date: Mon, 17 Jan 2000 04:02:51 -0500
From: Soren Ambrose soren@igc.org
Subject: [stop-imf] Frontrunner for IMF job faces opposition
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Monday January 17 2000 - Financial Times
Frontrunner for IMF job faces opposition=20
Koch-Weser is the favourite, though only Berlin wants him, reports Ed =
Crooks. But a long struggle for succession could be worse
The race to succeed Michel Camdessus as managing director of the =
International Monetary Fund is a curious contest. Promising contenders =
are being kept out of it, and the current favourite, according to almost =
everyone but his backers, is unfit.
Caio Koch-Weser, a German finance ministry official who has spent 25 =
years with the World Bank, is the frontrunner, but he faces powerful =
opposition. Feelings about him in all the G7 capitals except Berlin =
range from grudging acceptance to hostility.
The issue will be discussed at the Group of Seven industrialised nations =
finance ministers' meeting in Tokyo next weekend, but will not be =
resolved there.
The danger is that the IMF could see a long and damaging struggle for =
succession, as the World Trade Organisation experienced last year.
Governments and analysts argue that the IMF's failure to prevent the =
financial crises in Asia and Russia shows it urgently needs reform, =
which cannot be achieved without strong leadership.
The German government has stepped up a gear in its support for Mr =
Koch-Weser. Chancellor Gerhard Schr=F6der is writing to all 24 of the =
IMF's executive directors. Today in Berlin 40 foreign ambassadors will =
be briefed by Mr Schr=F6der's chief foreign policy adviser.
But on Friday night Larry Summers, US Treasury secretary, dropped heavy =
hints that he would not support the German campaign. The new head of the =
IMF must have "stature, expertise, ability to command global support and =
commitment to a process of ongoing reform", he said.
Mr Summers has said he wants an IMF that is much more focused on crisis =
prevention and resolution, and much less involved in long-term lending =
for development - a role that does not suit Mr Koch-Weser's experience. =
Washington also doubts that Mr Koch-Weser possesses the necessary =
intellect and negotiating skills to handle complex negotiations with =
governments in financial crisis.
The IMF post has traditionally been a European fiefdom, and if Europe =
were to agree on a candidate, the US would find it hard to resist. =
Europe, however, is deeply divided.
The French are now backing Laurent Fabius, former prime minister, as an =
alternative. He is unlikely to win much backing: his premiership was =
overshadowed by a scandal over contaminated blood, and few other =
countries want another French MD, especially not one seen as an =
old-style socialist.
It is a measure of how strongly the French feel about Mr Koch-Weser, =
though, that they would even prefer to see a Briton appointed.
Andrew Crockett, head of the Bank for International Settlements in =
Basle, has a high reputation in London. His problem is that the UK =
government is refusing to back him, partly because it does not want =
another row with a fellow EU member.
Italy has a similar problem with the director of its Treasury, Mario =
Draghi. The Italians are seen as having their share of top jobs since =
Romano Prodi became European Commission president.
Non-European alternatives look even less convincing. Jacob Frenkel, =
former Bank of Israel governor, is admired in the US but would be a =
controversial choice.
It looks as though Stanley Fischer, the first deputy MD, may end up =
running the IMF for some time after Mr Camdessus departs next month. He =
might even get the job.
But having made such a public show of support, it would be hugely =
embarrassing for Mr Schr=F6der to see Caio Koch-Weser fail.
If deals are cut, he could still be successful. The UK might be offered =
a compromise on EU withholding tax. Jean-Claude Trichet, Bank of France =
governor and another IMF possible), could take over at the European =
Central Bank earlier than expected.
But the IMF seems now to be faced with two unappealing alternatives: a =
painful, protracted battle for succession, or accepting by default a =
candidate whom almost nobody really wants
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Monday January 17 2000 – Financial Times
Frontrunner for IMF job faces opposition
Koch-Weser is the favourite, though only Berlin wants him, reports Ed =
Crooks.=20
But a long struggle for succession could be worse
The race to succeed Michel Camdessus as managing director of the=20
International Monetary Fund is a curious contest. Promising contenders =
are being=20
kept out of it, and the current favourite, according to almost everyone =
but his=20
backers, is unfit.
Caio Koch-Weser, a German finance ministry official who has spent 25 =
years=20
with the World Bank, is the frontrunner, but he faces powerful =
opposition.=20
Feelings about him in all the G7 capitals except Berlin range from =
grudging=20
acceptance to hostility.
The issue will be discussed at the Group of Seven industrialised =
nations=20
finance ministers' meeting in Tokyo next weekend, but will not be =
resolved=20
there.
The danger is that the IMF could see a long and damaging struggle for =
succession, as the World Trade Organisation experienced last year.
Governments and analysts argue that the IMF's failure to prevent the=20
financial crises in Asia and Russia shows it urgently needs reform, =
which cannot=20
be achieved without strong leadership.
The German government has stepped up a gear in its support for Mr =
Koch-Weser.=20
Chancellor Gerhard Schr=F6der is writing to all 24 of the IMF's =
executive=20
directors. Today in Berlin 40 foreign ambassadors will be briefed by Mr=20
Schr=F6der's chief foreign policy adviser.
But on Friday night Larry Summers, US Treasury secretary, dropped =
heavy hints=20
that he would not support the German campaign. The new head of the IMF =
must have=20
"stature, expertise, ability to command global support and commitment to =
a=20
process of ongoing reform", he said.
Mr Summers has said he wants an IMF that is much more focused on =
crisis=20
prevention and resolution, and much less involved in long-term lending =
for=20
development - a role that does not suit Mr Koch-Weser's experience. =
Washington=20
also doubts that Mr Koch-Weser possesses the necessary intellect and =
negotiating=20
skills to handle complex negotiations with governments in financial =
crisis.
The IMF post has traditionally been a European fiefdom, and if Europe =
were to=20
agree on a candidate, the US would find it hard to resist. Europe, =
however, is=20
deeply divided.
The French are now backing Laurent Fabius, former prime minister, as =
an=20
alternative. He is unlikely to win much backing: his premiership was=20
overshadowed by a scandal over contaminated blood, and few other =
countries want=20
another French MD, especially not one seen as an old-style =
socialist.
It is a measure of how strongly the French feel about Mr Koch-Weser, =
though,=20
that they would even prefer to see a Briton appointed.
Andrew Crockett, head of the Bank for International Settlements in =
Basle, has=20
a high reputation in London. His problem is that the UK government is =
refusing=20
to back him, partly because it does not want another row with a fellow =
EU=20
member.
Italy has a similar problem with the director of its Treasury, Mario =
Draghi.=20
The Italians are seen as having their share of top jobs since Romano =
Prodi=20
became European Commission president.
Non-European alternatives look even less convincing. Jacob Frenkel, =
former=20
Bank of Israel governor, is admired in the US but would be a =
controversial=20
choice.
It looks as though Stanley Fischer, the first deputy MD, may end up =
running=20
the IMF for some time after Mr Camdessus departs next month. He might =
even get=20
the job.
But having made such a public show of support, it would be hugely=20
embarrassing for Mr Schr=F6der to see Caio Koch-Weser fail.
If deals are cut, he could still be successful. The UK might be =
offered a=20
compromise on EU withholding tax. Jean-Claude Trichet, Bank of France =
governor=20
and another IMF possible), could take over at the European Central Bank =
earlier=20
than expected.
But the IMF seems now to be faced with two unappealing alternatives: =
a=20
painful, protracted battle for succession, or accepting by default a =
candidate=20
whom almost nobody really wants
------=_NextPart_000_000F_01BF609F.B93B48C0--
From soren@igc.org Tue, 18 Jan 2000 00:11:37 -0500
Date: Tue, 18 Jan 2000 00:11:37 -0500
From: Soren Ambrose soren@igc.org
Subject: [stop-imf] Camdessus on IMF's discovery of poverty
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Since announcing his resignation (effective mid-February), IMF Managing =
Director Michel Camdessus has been making frequent speeches about the =
necessity of combatting poverty and the role that the IMF sees itself =
playing in that pursuit with its new Poverty Reduction and Growth =
Facility, the new name for its notorious Enhanced Structural Adjustment =
Facility (ESAF). The following article is one of many detailing =
Camdessus's charm offensive, but is particularly notable for the last =
few sentences, in which Camdessus is asked to explain why it took so =
long for the Fund to recognize that SAPs would win little support so =
long as they continue to oppress people.
Camdessus urges developed nations to cut arms sales to Africa
LIBREVILLE, Jan 17 (AFP) - IMF Director General Michel Camedessus on =
Monday urged developed nations to slash their arms exports to Africa, =
saying "the other name for development is peace."
Speaking ahead of a two-day summit on poverty reduction in Africa, =
Camdessus said: "A third of African countries are at war and 90 percent =
of the weapons used are sold by G-8 nations," referring to the group of =
eight most industrialised countries.
Camdessus told a press conference ahead of the summit, to be held =
Tuesday and Wednesday under the aegis of the International Monetary =
Fund, that the IMF was pressing African regimes to cut back their =
military spending.
"The other name for development is peace," he said, calling on rich =
countries to cut exports "not only of heavy weaponry but also of the =
light arms which are carried by children in the front line of the =
conflicts."
"When a country we support goes to war, we go into discussions with it: =
Do you want war or development? It's a pretty tough dialogue," he said.
Some 20 African heads of state and government are expected to attend the =
gathering along with top staff of the IMF, the World Bank and the =
African Development Bank.
A preliminary ministerial meeting was being held Monday.
Ministers and experts from across the continent have already prepared a =
document containing proposals for alleviating poverty.
Camdessus estimated that Africa should be able to reach sustained annual =
growth rates of six to seven percent, rather than the current four to =
five percent, with an objective of eliminating 50 percent of extreme =
poverty by 2015.
The IMF director general is confidently promoting a new facility for =
poverty reduction and growth, through which the Fund is to abandon its =
"all macro-economic" approach.
"The fundamental aspect of these programmes is recognition of the =
circular relationships among the effort to reduce inflation, (to =
establish) good macro-economic balance, and the reduction of poverty and =
inequalities," he said.
"We have found that the more you obtain reductions in poverty and =
inequalities, the more you give validity to your monetary and =
macro-economic programmes, which become stronger and further reduce =
poverty and inequalities," he added.
Asked how long the IMF had taken to draw this conclusion, Camdessus said =
that such principles had only recently been recognised by economists.
"Economic progress takes time," he said. "Our institutions are serious =
institutions which don't wish to sell illusions."
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Since announcing his resignation =
(effective=20
mid-February), IMF Managing Director Michel Camdessus has been making =
frequent=20
speeches about the necessity of combatting poverty and the role that the =
IMF=20
sees itself playing in that pursuit with its new Poverty Reduction and =
Growth=20
Facility, the new name for its notorious Enhanced Structural Adjustment =
Facility=20
(ESAF). The following article is one of many detailing Camdessus's =
charm=20
offensive, but is particularly notable for the last few sentences, in =
which=20
Camdessus is asked to explain why it took so long for the Fund to =
recognize that=20
SAPs would win little support so long as they continue to oppress=20
people.
Camdessus urges developed nations to cut arms sales to Africa
LIBREVILLE, Jan 17 (AFP) - IMF Director General Michel Camedessus on =
Monday=20
urged developed nations to slash their arms exports to Africa, saying =
"the other=20
name for development is peace."
Speaking ahead of a two-day summit on poverty reduction in Africa, =
Camdessus=20
said: "A third of African countries are at war and 90 percent of the =
weapons=20
used are sold by G-8 nations," referring to the group of eight most=20
industrialised countries.
Camdessus told a press conference ahead of the summit, to be held =
Tuesday and=20
Wednesday under the aegis of the International Monetary Fund, that the =
IMF was=20
pressing African regimes to cut back their military spending.
"The other name for development is peace," he said, calling on rich =
countries=20
to cut exports "not only of heavy weaponry but also of the light arms =
which are=20
carried by children in the front line of the conflicts."
"When a country we support goes to war, we go into discussions with =
it: Do=20
you want war or development? It's a pretty tough dialogue," he said.
Some 20 African heads of state and government are expected to attend =
the=20
gathering along with top staff of the IMF, the World Bank and the =
African=20
Development Bank.
A preliminary ministerial meeting was being held Monday.
Ministers and experts from across the continent have already prepared =
a=20
document containing proposals for alleviating poverty.
Camdessus estimated that Africa should be able to reach sustained =
annual=20
growth rates of six to seven percent, rather than the current four to =
five=20
percent, with an objective of eliminating 50 percent of extreme poverty =
by=20
2015.
The IMF director general is confidently promoting a new facility for =
poverty=20
reduction and growth, through which the Fund is to abandon its "all=20
macro-economic" approach.
"The fundamental aspect of these programmes is recognition of the =
circular=20
relationships among the effort to reduce inflation, (to establish) good=20
macro-economic balance, and the reduction of poverty and inequalities," =
he=20
said.
"We have found that the more you obtain reductions in poverty and=20
inequalities, the more you give validity to your monetary and =
macro-economic=20
programmes, which become stronger and further reduce poverty and =
inequalities,"=20
he added.
Asked how long the IMF had taken to draw this conclusion, Camdessus =
said that=20
such principles had only recently been recognised by economists.
"Economic progress takes time," he said. "Our institutions are =
serious=20
institutions which don't wish to sell =
illusions."
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From soren@igc.org Mon, 24 Jan 2000 16:21:33 -0500
Date: Mon, 24 Jan 2000 16:21:33 -0500
From: soren@igc.org soren@igc.org
Subject: [stop-imf] G7 discusses reforms at IMF and World Bank
Monday January 24 2000
Financial Times
G7 to review IMF, World Bank roles
By Stephen Fidler and Gillian Tett in Tokyo
Group of Seven governments agreed at the weekend to a comprehensive review
of financing procedures used by the International Monetary Fund and to
examine the roles of the World Bank and the regional development banks.
The decision represents agreement to consider at least some of the reform
proposals for the IMF being urged by the US Treasury. Larry Summers, US
treasury secretary, has called for the IMF to focus more narrowly on
providing emergency support for countries in crisis and to reduce
significantly its long-term financing role in developing economies.
The agreement to look at the role of the multilateral development banks "in
the context of changing global conditions" suggests the reform agenda is
wider than previously indicated.
However, despite US calls for a strong figure to lead the reform effort at
the IMF after the retirement next month of Michel Camdessus as managing
director, little headway was made on the issue. The matter was raised in
bilateral meetings on the sidelines of the G7 meeting.
The lack of progress means Mr Camdessus will almost certainly retire without
a successor having been found. This will leave the institution under the
charge, at least for a time, of Stanley Fischer, his deputy.
There was no indication, however, that the G7 was yet ready to look outside
Europe - in whose gift the choice of IMF head traditionally resides - for a
candidate.
While Mr Fischer has been seen as a strong deputy and there have been
suggestions that he could take over until the end of Mr Camdessus's term in
2002, there were questions about whether he would carry the political weight
needed to head the organisation.
France insisted over the weekend that it had not attempted to put forward
its own, formal candidate. "We do not have an official French candidate,"
Christian Sautter, French finance minister, said, adding that he was sure
that a "European candidate of high level of confidence" would be found.
However, some German officials indicated that they had not yet won firm
backing from the French for Europe's only overt candidate: Caio Koch-Weser,
deputy finance minister. "It would be an advance if we knew exactly what the
French position was," said Hans Eichel, German finance minister.
Mr Summers said the IMF review would look at the pricing of its loans, the
question of long-term funding and the repeated use of financing by
countries. He said the Fund board took the first step on Friday by
abolishing little used procedures for financing commodity buffer stocks.
The international moves come amid expectations of more criticism from the US
Congress of the institutions. A committee, mandated by Congress and chaired
by the economist Allan Meltzer, is expected to report critically on their
role in the next few months.
A Japanese idea to revive its proposal for an Asian monetary fund - under a
different title - also received little backing. Mr Summers said the issue
was not discussed at the G7 meeting, and the US continued to have
reservations.
Monday January 24 2000
Financial Times
Little progress by the G7 (editorial)
Larry Summers, the US Treasury secretary, has argued that structural reform
is needed to promote economic growth in Europe and Japan. He has also stated
that the vacancy at the top of the International Monetary Fund provides an
opportunity to refocus the institution. On both points, he is right. It is
unclear, however, whether the weekend meeting of finance ministers and
central bankers from the Group of Seven industrial nations in Tokyo took
either much further.
These were two important topics for discussion, but they were not the only
ones. As expected, there were complex manoeuvrings over what to say, and not
to say, about exchange rates. In the end, the hosts obtained what they
wanted: a reference to the undesirable strength of the yen.
The main challenge highlighted in the G7 statement is securing a more
balanced pattern of world growth. It is particularly important, argues the
communiqué, for countries to take advantage of investment opportunities
created by information technology. Structural reform is required to improve
investment opportunities and create jobs.
But while serving as an example of remarkable economic performance, the US
economy also poses some of the largest risks to stability in the
international economy. The current account deficit, forecast by the OECD to
exceed 4 per cent of gross domestic product this year, in part reflects the
weaknesses of economies elsewhere. But it also reflects the danger of
overheating in the US economy. Domestic demand, buoyed by a highly valued
stock market, continues to outstrip the growth of domestic supply. The
current account provides a helpful safety valve. But non-inflationary
finance of the deficit relies on a continuation of the remarkably strong
foreign demand for US assets.
The G7 statement also notes the need for the functions of the IMF to reflect
the changes in the global financial landscape. It refers specifically to "a
greater focus in promoting the flow of information to markets and reducing
liquidity and balance sheets risks".
That is fine, as far as it goes. But it should go further. Mr Summers has
argued rightly that the IMF should concentrate on short-term funds to help
countries recover rapidly from financial disruptions. Logically, this would
leave the chief responsibility for long-term lending to the World Bank,
though the IMF would need to play a strong supporting role. But this raises
a host of difficult questions about the relationship between the IMF and the
Bank - questions that the new managing-director will have to address.
Replacing Michel Camdessus was not a part of the formal agenda. But until a
credible new head is found, the needed IMF reforms will remain in limbo.
=========================================================================
**In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. section 107,this material is
distributed without profit or payment to those who have expressed a prior
interest. This information is for non-profit research and education purpuses
only.**
=========================================================================
From soren@igc.org Tue, 25 Jan 2000 17:02:19 -0500
Date: Tue, 25 Jan 2000 17:02:19 -0500
From: soren@igc.org soren@igc.org
Subject: [stop-imf] DC folks: event on structural adjustment/IMF/Nicaragua
Mark your Calendars
Nicaragua is at another turning point in her history.
President, Aleman and the leader of the Sandinista opposition party,
Ortega, have come together and created a pact that will substantially
alter Nicaragua’s constitution.
Nicaragua has reached the decision point for HIPC and desires relief of
her $6.1 billion debt, the highest per capita debt in this hemisphere.
After Hurricane Mitch, Nicaragua received millions of dollars of foreign
aid, but charges of corrupt usage have been made.
Trade continues to be of primary concern as Nicaragua imports $1.5
billion and exports $600 million.
A group of 14 congressional staff and Quest for Peace activists just
completed a travel seminar studying debt, trade and aid in Nicaragua.
Come hear Quest for Peace and a panel of Congressional Staff share their
experiences in Nicaragua.
Monday, January 31, 2000
12:30-1:30
Methodist Building
110 Maryland Ave. NE
Light refreshments will be provided.
Any questions? Contact Quest for Peace 301-699-0042
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--------------B448576814F75A7C149A33CB--
From naimanr@cepr.net Thu, 27 Jan 2000 04:14:21 -0500
Date: Thu, 27 Jan 2000 04:14:21 -0500
From: Robert Naiman naimanr@cepr.net
Subject: [stop-imf] Sign-on in support of taxing speculation
This is a multi-part message in MIME format.
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Content-Type: text/plain;
charset="iso-8859-1"
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Dear colleagues:
The Center for Economic and Policy Research, a not-for-profit research and
educational institution in Washington, DC, along with the Halifax Initiative
in Vancouver, Canada, is conducting a program of research and education on
the benefits of a small tax on financial transactions to discourage
speculation, increase the efficiency of financial markets and the tax
system, raise revenues, and shift the burden of taxation away from the
bottom of the income distribution.
As part of this program, we are circulating 3 documents:
1. A (draft) sign-on statement in support of a transactions tax, reproduced
below.
2. A survey of organizations working in support of a transactions tax,
attached to this message.
3. A paper by CEPR co-director Dean Baker, which we would welcome your
comments on, attached to this message.
These documents are also available on the CEPR web site at
http://www.cepr.net
For the sign-on statement, please send us your comments on this draft and
let us know if you would like to sign. Please send your comments by Tuesday,
February 22, as we would like to finalize the statement then.
The survey is intended to help us produce a document that would serve as a
guide to international activity in support of a transactions tax as a tool
for organizations working on these issues.
Concerning the paper, we would like to know if you find it useful. While
some of the details of the paper are specific to the context of the United
States, the argument is more general. We would be pleased to work with
organizations in different countries to adapt the arguments to different
national contexts.
In addition, should you decide to translate any of these materials to other
languages, please let us know, as this would be quite useful.
Please send signatures, surveys, comments and queries to:
signon@preamble.org, by email, or to
Robert Naiman, Senior Researcher
Center for Economic and Policy Research
1737 21st NW
Washington, DC 20009
202-265-3647 (fax)
Thank you for your assistance.
SIGN ON STATEMENT IN SUPPORT OF A TAX ON FINANCIAL and Currency TRANSACTIONS
The undersigned organizations subscribe to the following:
That financial speculation constitutes a form of gambling. As such, public
policy should treat it no differently than other forms of gambling. This
means that financial speculation should be subject to the same sort of taxes
as other forms of gambling, since government tax policy should not favor one
form of gambling over another.
That financial speculation can be more harmful than other forms of gambling,
since it can destabilize financial markets, sometimes with socially
devastating consequences.
That the economic purpose of financial and currency markets is to allocate
savings for investment and to facilitate international trade. Reducing
speculation in financial assets and currencies makes these markets more
efficient in fulfilling their economic functions.
That speculation is unproductive activity and that therefore taxing
speculation is more efficient than taxing productive activity.
That financial speculation is predominantly conducted by people with higher
incomes. Therefore taxing speculation will reduce the burden of taxation on
lower
income people.
That in light of these arguments, governments should consider implementing
small taxes on financial and currency transactions, along with other
efficient regulations on capital flows, and international financial
institutions should support these measures where they are implemented.
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------=_NextPart_000_0016_01BF687C.FD580220--
From soren@igc.org Fri, 28 Jan 2000 16:43:30 -0500
Date: Fri, 28 Jan 2000 16:43:30 -0500
From: soren@igc.org soren@igc.org
Subject: [stop-imf] Ukraine: possible embezzlement of IMF funds
IMF says it will look into accusations of fraud charges in Ukraine
WASHINGTON, Jan 28 (AFP) - The International Monetary Fund plans to look
into allegations by a former Ukrainian prime minister that members of the
current administration diverted 613 million dollars in IMF money in 1997, a
Fund spokesman said here Friday.
The Financial Times earlier in the day reported that former prime minister
Pavlo Lazarenko was about to allege that some members of President Leonid
Kuchma's government have been involved in money laundering and embezzlement
schemes, including the improper investment of IMF funds in speculative
government bonds that carried interest rates of up to 66 percent.
"We take this report seriously," IMF spokesman Thomas Dawson told reporters.
"Those specific allegations are news to us. We will take a careful look at
it and we are in touch with the Ukrainian authorities."
Lazarenko is himself wanted in Switzerland on money laundering charges and
is currently in custody in the United States, according to the Financial
Times.
It said some 200 million dollars from the investment in government bonds are
alleged to have been deposited in Belgian and Swiss accounts of people close
to Kuchma.
Elsewhere in his remarks Friday, Dawson said another IMF mission to Ukraine
would be needed in February for negotiations on a possible loan of 2.6
billion dollars.
During a previous mission, according to Dawson, "we reached agreements on a
lot of issues" but further talks are needed on Ukraine's external debt.
From soren@igc.org Sat, 29 Jan 2000 16:29:32 -0500
Date: Sat, 29 Jan 2000 16:29:32 -0500
From: soren@igc.org soren@igc.org
Subject: [stop-imf] Ukraine/IMF scandal
[Editor's Note: Yesterday IMF spokesman Thomas Dawson would not confirm
these reports; today Fischer says they knew about it in '98.]
Ukraine misused IMF funds in 1997: Fischer
DAVOS, Switzerland, Jan 29 (AFP) - Ukraine used International Monetary Fund
(IMF) funds for irregular purposes in 1997, but its activities are now back
in order, IMF deputy chief Stanley Fischer said Saturday.
"We are pretty confident about the current situation," he said at the World
Economic Forum (WEF) annual meeting in Davos, Switzerland, referring to a
report in the Financial Times on Friday.
"We'll have to go back and check what happenend in 1997. .. in 1998 we
discovered that some of the Ukrainian reserves were used for other
purposes," he told a press conferrence.
The Financial Times reported that former premier Pavlo Lazarenko was about
to allege that some members of President Leonid Kuchma's government have
been involved in money laundering and embezzlement schemes.
The activities included the improper investment of IMF funds in speculative
government bonds that carried interest rates of up to 66 percent, diverting
613 million dollars of IMF money in 1997, it said.
=========================================================================
**In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. section 107,this material is
distributed without profit or payment to those who have expressed a prior
interest. This information is for non-profit research and education purpuses
only.**
=========================================================================
From soren@igc.org Mon, 31 Jan 2000 10:31:21 -0500
Date: Mon, 31 Jan 2000 10:31:21 -0500
From: soren@igc.org soren@igc.org
Subject: [stop-imf] FW: CANCELLED: Report on Nicaragua Delegation
-----Original Message-----
From: Quest for Peace [mailto:quest@quixote.org]
Sent: Monday, January 31, 2000 10:30 AM
To: quest@quixote.org
Subject: CANCELLED: Report on Nicaragua Delegation
To those of you who were planning to attend the Brown Bag Report on the
Quest for Peace delegation to Nicaragua:
Due to the inclement weather, the brown bag report from the group who
just completed a travel seminar studying debt, trade and aid in
Nicaragua has been postponed. We hope to reschedule for Monday,
February 14th and will keep you informed.
Thank you for your interest.
Tammy Williams
Quixote Center/Quest for Peace
301-699-0042 - v
301-864-2182 - f
quest@quixote.org
www.quixote.org/quest
From rob@essential.org Thu, 3 Feb 2000 18:06:21 -0500 (EST)
Date: Thu, 3 Feb 2000 18:06:21 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] list update and April 16
Friends:
My apologies for the slow traffic on the list the last few weeks. I've
been away from my office and off line. Today and tomorrow I will send out
more than the usual number of items, covering events from the last few
weeks -- be sure to check the date on the posts. After that, the list will
return to the normal volume.
However, there is likely to be an increased volume in the weeks leading up
to the April 16 demonstration against the IMF and World Bank in
Washington, D.C. For general information on the action, check
http://a16.org. Information on a planning listserve for the event follows
below.
Robert Weissman
Essential Information | Internet: rob@essential.org
A new listserv has been set up to facilitate national and international
communication about planned actions, protests, and other related events
around the April 16-17 meetings of the IMF/World Bank in Washington, DC.
This is the national/international communications list, *not* the DC-area
activists list.
You can join this list by sending a blank e-mail message to
a16-international-planning-subscribe@egroups.com.
From rob@essential.org Fri, 4 Feb 2000 04:26:03 -0500 (EST)
Date: Fri, 4 Feb 2000 04:26:03 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] Walden Bello on Decommissioning the IMF
Both of the following essays merit attention, the second focuses on the
IMF.
Robert Weissman
Essential Information | Internet: rob@essential.org
FOCUS ON TRADE,
Number 43, January 2000
Focus-on-Trade is a regular electronic bulletin providing updates and
analysis of trends in regional and world trade and finance, with an
emphasis on analysis of these trends from an integrative,
interdisciplinary viewpoint that is sensitive not only to economic issues,
but also to ecological, political, gender and social issues.
Your contributions and comments are welcome. Please contact us c/o
CUSRI, Wisit Prachuabmoh Building, Chulalongkorn University,
Bangkok 10330 Thailand. tel: (66 2) 218 7363/7364/7365, fax: (66
2) 255 9976, email: admin@focusweb.org, website:
http://focusweb.org. Focus on the Global South is an autonomous
programme of policy research and action of the Chulalongkorn
University Social Research Institute (CUSRI) based in Bangkok.
****************************************************
IN THIS ISSUE: Post Seattle, there has been a lot of talk about how
to reform the WTO. In this issue, Walden Bello argues that in the case
of both the IMF and the WTO, NGOs must be aware of the pitfalls
of the refom agenda.
Why Reform of the WTO is the Wrong Agenda
by Walden Bello
Jurassic Fund: Should Developing Countries Push to Decommission
the IMF?
by Walden Bello
*****************************************************
Why Reform of the WTO is the Wrong Agenda
By Walden Bello*
In the wake of the collapse of the Seattle Ministerial, there has
emerged the opinion that reform of the WTO is now the program that
NGOs, governments, and citizens must embrace. The collapse of the
WTO Ministerial is said to provide a unique window of opportunity
for a reform agenda.
Cited by some as a positive sign is United States Trade
Representative Charlene Barshefsky's comment, immediately after the
collapse of the Seattle Ministerial, that "the WTO has outgrown the
processes appropriate to an earlier time." An increasing and necessary
view, generally shared among the members, was that we needed a
process which had a greater degree of internal transparency and
inclusion to accommodate a larger and more diverse membership." (1)
Also seen as an encouraging gesture is UK Secretary of State for Trade and
Industry Stephen Byers' recent statement to Commonwealth Trade Ministers
in New Delhi that the "WTO will not be able to continue in its present fo
rm. There has to be fundamental and radical change in order for it to meet
the needs and aspirations of all 134 of its members." (2)
These are, in our view, damage control statements and provide little
indication of the seriousness about reform of the two governments that
were, pre-Seattle, the stoutest defenders of the inequalities built into
the stru cture, dynamics, and objectives of the WTO. It is unfortunate
that they are now being cited to convince developing countries and NGOs to
take up an agenda of reform that could lead precisely to the strengthening
of an org anization that is very fundamentally flawed.
What civil society, North and South, should instead be doing at this point
is radically cutting down the power of the institution and reducing it to
simply another institution in a pluralistic world trading system with mu
ltiple systems of governance.
Is the WTO Necessary?
This is the fundamental question on which the question of reform hinges.
World trade did not need the WTO to expand 17-fold between 1948 and 1997,
from $124 billion to $10,772 billion. (3) This expansion took place under
the flexible GATT trade regime. The WTO's founding in 1995 did not
respond to a collapse or crisis of world trade such as happened in the
1930's. It was not necessary for global peace, since no world war or
trade-relate d war had taken place during that period. In the seven major
inter-state wars that took place in that period-the Korean War of 1950-53,
the Vietnam War of 1945-75, the Suez Crisis of 1956, the 1967 Arab-Israeli
War, the 1 973 Arab-Israeli War, the 1982 Falklands War, and the Gulf War
of 1990-trade conflict did not figure even remotely as a cause. GATT was,
in fact, functioning reasonably well as a framework for liberalizing world
trade. Its dispute-settlement system was flexible and with its recognition
of the "special and differential status" of developing countr ies, it
provided the space in a global economy for Third World countries to use
trade policy for development and industrialization.
Why was the WTO established following the Uruguay Round of 1986-94?
Of the major trading powers, Japan was very ambivalent, concerned as it
was to protect its agriculture as well as its particular system of
industrial production that, through formal and informal mechanisms, gave
its local
producers primary right to exploit the domestic market. The EU, well on
the way of becoming a self-sufficient trading bloc, was likewise
ambivalent, knowing that its highly subsidized system in agriculture would
come und er attack. Though demanding greater access to their manufactured
and agricultural products in the Northern economies, the developing
countries did not see this as being accomplished through a comprehensive
agreement enfor ced by a powerful trade bureaucracy but through discrete
negotiations and agreements in the model of the Integrated Program for
Commodities (IPCs) and Commodity Stabilization Fund agreed upon under the
aegis of UNCTAD in the late seventies.
The founding of the WTO served primarily the interest of the United
States. Just as it was the US which blocked the founding of the
International Trade Organization (ITO) in 1948, when it felt that this
would not serve it s position of overwhelming economic dominance in the
post-war world, so it was the US that became the dominant lobbyist for the
comprehensive Uruguay Round and the founding of the WTO in late eighties
and early nineties, when it felt that more competitive global conditions
had created a situation where its corporate interests now demanded an
opposite stance. Just as it was the US's threat in the 1950's to leave
GATT if it was not allowed to maintain protective mechanisms for milk and
other agricultural products that led to agricultural trade's exemption
from GATT rules, so wa s it US pressure that brought agriculture into the
GATT-WTO system in 1995. And the reason for Washington's change of mind
was articulated quite candidly by then US Agriculture Secretary John Block
at the start of the Uru guay Round negotiations in 1986: "[The] idea that
developing countries should feed themselves is an anachronism from a
bygone era. They could better ensure their food security by relying on US
agricultural products, which
are available, in most cases at much lower cost."(4) Washington, of
course, did not just have developing country markets in mind, but also
Japan, South Korea, and the European Union.
It was the US that mainly pushed to bring services under WTO coverage,
with its assessment that the in the new burgeoning area of international
services, and particularly in financial services, its corporations had a
lead
that needed to be preserved. It was also the US that pushed to expand WTO
jurisdiction to the so-called "Trade-Related Investment Measures" (TRIMs)
and "Trade-Related Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs)." The first soug
ht to eliminate barriers to the system of internal cross-border trade of
product components among TNC (transnational corporations) subsidiaries
that had been imposed by developing countries in order to develop their
indus tries; the second to consolidate the US advantage in the
cutting-edge knowledge-intensive industries. And it was the US that forced
the creation of the WTO's formidable dispute-resolution and enforcement
mechanism after being frustrated with what US trade officials considered
weak GATT efforts to enforce rulings favourabl e to the US. As
Washington's academic point man on trade, C. Fred Bergsten, head of the
Institute of International Economics, told the US Senate, the strong WTO
dispute settlement mechanism serves US interests because "we
can now use the full weight of the international machinery to go after
those trade barriers, reduce them, get them eliminated."(5)
In sum, it has been Washington's changing perception of the needs of its
economic interest groups that have shaped and reshaped the international
trading regime. It was not global necessity that gave birth to the WTO in
1 995. It was the US's assessment that the interests of its corporations
were no longer served by a loose and flexible GATT but needed an
all-powerful and wide-ranging WTO. From the free-market paradigm that
underpins it, to the rules and regulations set forth in the different
agreements that make up the Uruguay Round, to its system of
decision-making and accountability, the WTO is a blueprint for the global
hegemony of Corporate America. It seeks to institutionalize the
accumulated advantages of US corporations.
Is the WTO necessary? Yes, to the United States. But not to the rest of
the world. The necessity of the WTO is one of the biggest lies of our
time, and its acceptance is due to the same propaganda principle practised
by Joseph Goebbels: if you repeat a lie often enough, it will be taken as
truth.
Can the WTO Serve the Interests of the Developing Countries? But what
about the developing countries? Is the WTO a necessary structure--one
that, whatever its flaws, brings more benefits than costs, and would
therefore merit efforts at reform?
When the Uruguay Round was being negotiated, there was considerable lack
of enthusiasm for the process by the developing countries. After all,
these countries had formed the backbone of UNCTAD, which, with its system
of o ne-country/one-vote and majority voting, they felt was an
international arena more congenial to their interests. They entered the
Uruguay Round greatly resenting the large trading powers' policy of
weakening and marginali zing UNCTAD in the late seventies and early
eighties.
Largely passive spectators, with a great number not even represented
during the negotiations owing to resource constraints, the developing
countries were dragged into unenthusiastic endorsement of the Marrakesh
Accord of 1994 that sealed the Uruguay Round and established the WTO.
True, there were a few developing countries in the Cairns Group, a group
of developed and developing agro-exporting countries, that took an active
role in pushin g the WTO in the hope that this would improve market access
to their agricultural products in the North, but they were a small
minority.
To try to sell the WTO to the South, US propagandists evoked the fear that
staying out of the WTO would result in a country's isolation from world
trade ("like North Korea") and stoked the promise that a "rules-based syst
em" of world trade would protect the weak countries from unilateral acts
by the big trading powers. With their economies dominated by the IMF and
the World Bank, with the structural adjustment programs pushed by these
agencies having as a central element radical trade liberalization, much
weaker as a bloc owing to the d ebt crisis compared to the 1970's, the
height of the "New International Economic Order," most developing country
delegations felt they had no choice but to sign on the dotted line.
Over the next few years, however, these countries realized that they had
signed away their right to employ a variety of critical trade measures for
development purposes.
In contrast to the loose GATT framework, which had allowed some space for
development initiatives, the comprehensive and tightened Uruguay Round was
fundamentally anti-development in its thrust. This is evident in the fol
lowing:
Loss of Trade Policy as Development Tool
In signing on to GATT, Third World countries were committed to banning all
quantitative restrictions on imports, reduce tariffs on many industrial
imports, and promise not to raise tariffs on all other imports. In so doin
g, they have effectively given up the use of trade policy to pursue
industrialization objectives. The way that the NICs, or "newly
industrializing countries," made it to industrial status, via the policy
of import substit ution, is now effectively removed as a route to
industrialization.
The anti-industrialization thrust of the GATT-WTO Accord is made even more
manifest in the Agreement on Trade-Related Investment Measures (TRIMs) and
the Agreement on Trade-Related Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs). In
their drive to industrialize, NICs like South Korea and Malaysia made use
of many innovative mechanisms such as trade-balancing requirements that
tied the value of a foreign investor's imports of raw materials and compon
ents to the value of his or her exports of the finished commodity, or
"local content" regulations which mandated that a certain percentage of
the components that went into the making of a product was sourced locally.
These rules indeed restricted the maneuvering space of foreign investors,
but they were successfully employed by the NICs to marry foreign
investment to national industrialization. They enabled the NICs to raise
income fr om capital-intensive exports, develop support industries, bring
in technology, while still protecting local entrepreneurs' preferential
access to the domestic market. In Malaysia, for instance, the strategic
use of local content policy enabled the Malaysians to build a "national
car," in cooperation with Mitsubishi, that has now achieved about 80 per
cent local content and controls 70 per cent of the Malaysian market.
Thanks to the TRIMs accord, these mechanisms used are now illegal.
The Restriction of Technological Diffusion Like the TRIMs agreement, the
TRIPs regime is seen as effectively opposed to the industrialization and
development efforts of Third World countries. This becomes clear from a
survey of the economic history not only of the NICs but of al most all
late-industrializing countries. A key factor in their industrial take-off
was their relatively easy access to cutting-edge technology: The US
industrialized, to a great extent by using but paying very little for
British manufacturing innovations, as did the Germans. Japan
industrialized by liberally borrowing US technological innovations, but
barely compensating the Americans for this. And the Koreans industrialized
by copying qu ite liberally and with little payment US and Japanese
product and process technologies.
But what is "technological diffusion" from the perspective of the late
industrializer is "piracy" from that of the industrial leader. The TRIPs
regime takes the side of the latter and makes the process of
industrializatio n by imitation much more difficult from hereon. It
represents what UNCTAD describes as "a premature strengthening of the
intellectual property system...that favours monopolistically controlled
innovation over broad-based diffusion."(6)
The TRIPs regime provides a generalized minimum patent protection of 20
years; increases the duration of the protection for semi-conductors or
computer chips; institutes draconian border regulations against products
judge d to be violating intellectual property rights; and places the
burden of proof on the presumed violator of process patents.
The TRIPs accord is a victory for the US high-tech industry, which has
long been lobbying for stronger controls over the diffusion of
innovations. Innovation in the knowledge-intensive high-tech sector-in
electronic softw are and hardware, biotechnology, lasers,
opto-electronics, liquid crystal technology, to name a few-has become the
central determinant of economic power in our time. And when any company in
the NICs and Third World wishes
to innovate, say in chip design, software programming, or computer
assembly, it necessarily has to integrate several patented designs and
processes, most of them from US electronic hardware and software giants
like Micro soft, Intel, and Texas Instruments. (7) As the Koreans have
bitterly learned, exorbitant multiple royalty payments to what has been
called the American "high tech mafia" keeps one's profit margins very low
while reducing incentives for local innovation.
The likely outcome is for a Southern manufacturer simply to pay royalties
for a technology rather than to innovate, thus perpetuating the
technological dependence on Northern firms. Thus, TRIPs enables the
technological l eader, in this case the United States, to greatly
influence the pace of technological and industrial development in rival
industrialized countries, the NICs, and the Third World.
The Watering Down of the "Special and Differential Treatment" Principle
The central principle of UNCTAD (United Nations Conference on Trade and
Development)-an organization disempowered by the establishment of the
WTO--is that owing to the critical nexus between trade and development,
develop ing countries must not be subjected to the same expectations,
rules, and regulations that govern trade among the developed countries.
Owing to historical and structural considerations, developing countries
need special co nsideration and special assistance in levelling the
playing field for them to be able to participate equitably in world trade.
This would include both the use of protective tariffs for development
purposes and preferentia l access of developing country exports to
developed country markets.
While GATT was not centrally concerned with development, it did recognize
the "special and differential status" of the developing countries.
Perhaps the strongest statement of this was in the Tokyo Round Declaration
in 1 973, which recognized "the importance of the application of
differential measures in developing countries in ways which will provide
special and more favourable treatment for them in areas of negotiation
where this is fea sible."(8)
Different sections of the evolving GATT code allowed countries to
renegotiate tariff bindings in order to promote the establishment of
certain industries; allowed developing countries to use tariffs for
economic developme nt and fiscal purposes; allowed them to use
quantitative restrictions to promote infant industries; and conceded the
principle of non-reciprocity by developing countries in trade negotiation.
(9) The 1979 Framework Agreem ent known at the Enabling Clause also
provided a permanent legal basis for General System of Preferences (GSP)
schemes that would provide preferential access to developing country
exports. (10)
A significant shift occurred in the Uruguay Round. GSP schemes were not
bound, meaning tariffs could be raised against developing country until
they equalled the bound rates applied to imports for all sources. Indeed,
dur ing the negotiations, the threat to remove GSP was used as "a form of
bilateral pressure on developing countries."(11) SDT was turned from a
focus on a special right to protect and special rights of market access to
"one of responding to special adjustment difficulties in developing
countries stemming from the implementation of WTO decisions."(12) Measures
meant to address the structural inequality of the trading system gave way
to measur es, such as a lower rate of tariff reduction or a longer time
frame for implementing decisions, which regarded the problem of developing
countries as simply that of catching up in an essentially even playing
field.
STD has been watered down in the WTO, and this is not surprising for the
neoliberal agenda that underpins the WTO philosophy differs from the
Keynesian assumptions of GATT: that there are no special rights, no
special pro tections needed for development. The only route to development
is one that involves radical trade (and investment) liberalization.
Fate of the Special Measures for Developing Countries Perhaps the best
indicators of the marginal consideration given to developing countries in
the WTO is the fate of the measures that were supposed to respond to the
spe cial conditions of developing countries. There were three key
agreements which promoters of the WTO claimed were specifically designed
to meet the needs of the South:
* The Special Ministerial Agreement approved in Marrakesh in April 1994,
which decreed that special compensatory measures would be taken to
counteract the negative effects of trade liberalization on the net
food-importing
developing countries;
* The Agreement on Textiles and Clothing, which mandated that the system
of quotas on developing country exports of textiles and garments to the
North would be dismantled over ten years;
* The Agreement on Agriculture, which, while "imperfect," nevertheless was
said to promise greater market access to developing country agricultural
products and begin the process of bringing down the high levels of state
support and subsidization of EU and US agriculture, which was resulting in
the dumping of massive quantities of grain on Third World markets.
What happened to these measures?
The Special Ministerial Decision taken at Marrakesh to provide assistance
to "Net Food Importing Countries" to offset the reduction of subsidies
that would make food imports more expensive for the "Net Food Importing
Coun tries" has never been implemented. Though world crude prices more
than doubled in 1995/96, the World Bank and the IMF scotched an idea of
any offsetting aid by arguing that "the price increase was not due to the
Agreement
on Agriculture, and besides there was never any agreement anyway on who
would be responsible for providing the assistance."(13)
The Agreement on Textiles and Clothing committed the developed countries
to bring under WTO discipline all textile and garment imports over four
stages, ending on January 1, 2005. A key feature was supposed to be the
lift ing of quotas on imports restricted under the Multifiber Agreement
(MFA) and similar schemes which had been used to contain penetration of
developed country markets by cheap clothing and textile imports from the
Third Wor ld. Developed countries retained, however, the right to choose
which product lines to liberalize when, so that they first brought mainly
unrestricted products into the WTO discipline and postponed dealing with
restricted products till much later.
Thus, in the first phase, all restricted products continued to be under
quota, as only items where imports were not considering threatening-like
felt hats or yarn of carded fine animal hair--were included in the
developed
countries' notifications. Indeed, the notifications for the coverage of
products for liberalization on January 1, 1998 showed that "even at the
second stage of implementation only a very small proportion" of restricted
p roducts would see their quotas lifted. (14)
Given this trend, John Whalley notes that "the belief is now widely held
in the developing world that in 2004, while the MFA may disappear, it may
well be replaced by a series of other trade instruments, possibly substant
ial increases in anti-dumping duties." (15)
When it comes to the Agreement on Agriculture, which was sold to
developing countries during the Uruguay Round as a major step toward
providing market access to developing country imports and bringing down
the high levels
of domestic support for first world farming interests that results in
dumping of commodities in third world markets, little gains in market
access after five years into developed country markets have been
accompanied by even higher levels of overall subsidization-through
ingenious combinations of export subsidies, export credits, market
support, and various kinds of direct income payments.
The figures speak for themselves: the level of overall subsidization of
agriculture in the OECD countries rose from $182 billion in 1995 when the
WTO was born to $280 billion in 1997 to $362 billion in 1998! Instead of
t he beginning of a New Deal, the AOA, in the words of a former Philippine
Secretary of Trade, "has perpetuated the unevenness of a playing field
which the multilateral trading system has been trying to correct.
Moreover, t his has placed the burden of adjustment on developing
countries relative to countries who can afford to maintain high levels of
domestic support and export subsidies."(16)
The collapse of the agricultural negotiations in Seattle is the best
example of how extremely difficult it is to reform the AOA. The European
Union opposed till the bitter end language in an agreement that would
commit it
to "significant reduction" of its subsidies. But the US was not
blameless. It resolutely opposed any effort to cut back on its forms of
subsidies such as export credits, direct income for farmers, and
"emergency" farm ai d, as well as any mention of its practice of dumping
products in developing country markets.
Oligarchic Decision-Making as a Central, Defining Process
Is the system of WTO decision-making reformable? While far more flexible
than the WTO, the GATT was, of course, far from perfect, and one of the
bad traits that the WTO took over from it was the system of
decision-making . GATT functioned through a process called "consensus."
Now consensus responded to the same problem that faced the IMF and the
World Bank's developed country members: how to assure control at a time
that the numbers gave
the edge to the new countries of the South. In the Fund and the Bank, the
system of decision-making evolved had the weight of a country's vote
determined by the size of its capital subscriptions, which gave the US and
th e other rich countries effective control of the two organizations.
In the GATT, a one-country one-vote system was initially tried, but the
big trading powers saw this as inimical to their interests. Thus, the last
time a vote was taken in GATT was in 1959. (17) The system that finally em
erged was described by US economist Bergsten as one that "does not work by
voting. It works by a consensus arrangement which, to tell the truth, is
managed by four- the Quads: the United States, Japan, European Union, and
Canada."(18) He continued: "Those countries have to agree if any major
steps are going to be made, that is true. But no votes. (19) Indeed, so
undemocratic is the WTO that decisions are arrived at informally, via
caucuses convoked in the corridors of the ministerials by the big trading
powers. The formal plenary sessions, which in democracies are the central
arena for decision- making, are reserved for speeches. The key agreements
to come out of the first and second ministerials of the WTO-the decision
to liberalize information technology trade taken at the first mini sterial
in Singapore in 1996 and the agreement to liberalize trade in electronic
commerce arrived at in Geneva in 1998-were all decided in informal
backroom sessions and simply presented to the full assembly as faits acco
mpli. Consensus simply functioned to render non-transparent a process
where smaller, weaker countries were pressured, browbeaten, or bullied to
conform to the "consensus" forged among major trading powers.
With surprising frankness, at a press conference in Seattle, US Trade
Representative Charlene Barshefsky, who played the pivotal role in all
three ministerials, described the dynamics and consequences of this system
of de cision-making:
"The process, including even at Singapore as recently as three years ago,
was a rather exclusionary one. All meetings were held between 20 and 30
keycountries... And that meant 100 countries, 100, were never in the
room.. .[T]his led to an extraordinarily bad feeling that they were left
our of the process and that the results even at Singapore had been
dictated to them by the 25 or 30 privileged countries who were in the
room."(20)
Then, after registering her frustration at the WTO delegates' failing to
arrive at consensus via supposedly broader "working groups" set up for the
Seattle ministerial, Barshefsky warned delegates: "...[I] have made very
clear and I reiterated to all ministers today that, if we are unable to
achieve that goal, I fully reserve the right to also use a more exclusive
process to achieve a final outcome. There is no question about either my
ri ght as the chair to do it or my intention as the chair to do
it...."(21)
And she was serious about ramming through a declaration at the expense of
non-representativeness, with India, one of the key developing country
members of the WTO, being "routinely excluded from private talks organized
by
the United States in last ditch efforts to come up with a face-saving
deal."(22)
In damage-containment mode after the collapse of the Seattle Ministerial,
Barshefsky, WTO Director General Mike Moore, and other rich country
representatives have spoken about the need for WTO "reform." But none have
decl ared any intention of pushing for a one-county/one-vote majority
decision-making system or a voting system weighted by population size,
which would be the only fair and legitimate methods in a democratic
international org anization. The fact is, such mechanisms will never be
adopted, for this would put the developing countries in a preponderant
role in terms of decision-making.
Should One Try to Reform a Jurassic Institution?
Reform is a viable strategy when the system is question is fundamentally
fair but has simply been corrupted such as the case with some democracies.
It is not a viable strategy when a system is so fundamentally unequal in
purposes, principles, and processes as the WTO. The WTO systematically
protects and the trade and economic advantages of the rich countries,
particularly the United States. It is based on a paradigm or philosophy
that de nigrates the right to take activist measures to achieve
development on the part of less developed countries, thus leading to a
radical dilution of their right to "special and differential treatment."
The WTO raises inequa lity into a principle of decision-making.
The WTO is often promoted as a "rules-based" trading framework that
protects the weaker and poorer countries from unilateral actions by the
stronger states. The opposite is true: the WTO, like many other
multilateral int ernational agreements, is meant to instututionalize and
legtimize inequality. Its main purpose is to reduce the tremendous
policing costs to the stronger powers that would be involved in
disciplining many small countries in a more fluid, less structured
international system.
It is not surprising that both the WTO and the IMF are currently mired in
a severe crisis of legitimacy. For both are highly centralized, highly
unaccountable, highly non-transparent global institutions that seek to
subju gate, control, or harness vast swathes of global economic, social,
political, and environmental processes to the needs and interests of a
global minority of states, elites, and TNCs.
The dynamics of such institutions clash with the burgeoning democratic
aspirations of peoples, countries, and communities in both the North and
the South. The centralizing dynamics of these institutions clash with the
eff orts of communities and nations to regain control of their fate and
achieve a modicum of security by deconcentrating and decentralizing
economic and political power. In other words, these are Jurassic
institutions in an a ge of participatory political and economic democracy.
Building a More Pluralistic System of International Trade Governance
If there is one thing that is clear, it is that developing country
governments and international civil society must not allow their energies
to be hijacked into reforming these institutions. This will only amount
to admi nistering a facelift to fundamentally flawed institutions.
Indeed, today's need is not another centralized global institution,
reformed or unreformed, but the deconcentration and decentralization of
institutional power a nd the creation of a pluralistic system of
institutions and organizations interacting with one another amidst broadly
defined and flexible agreements and understandings.
It was under such a more pluralistic global system, where hegemonic power
was still far form institutionalized in a set of all encompassing and
powerful multilateral organizations that the Latin American countries and
man y Asian countries were able to achieve a modicum of industrial
development in the period from 1950-70. It was under a more pluralistic
world system, under a GATT that was limited in its power, flexible, and
more sympathet ic to the special status of developing countries, that the
East and Southeast Asian countries were able to become newly
industrializing countries through activist state trade and industrial
policies that departed signific antly from the free-market biases
enshrined in the WTO.
The alternative to a powerful WTO is not a Hobbesian state of nature. It
is always the powerful that have stoked this fear. The reality of
international economic relations in a world marked by a multiplicity of
internatio nal and regional institutions that check one another is a far
cry from the propaganda image of a "nasty" and "brutish" world. Of course,
the threat of unilateral action by the powerful is ever present in such a
system, bu t it is one that even the powerful hesitate to take for fear of
its consequences on their legitimacy as well as the reaction it would
provoke in the form of opposing coalitions.
In other words, what developing countries and international civil society
should aim at is not to reform the WTO but, through a combination of
passive and active measures, to radically reduce its power and to make it
simp ly another international institution coexisting with and being
checked by other international organizations, agreements, and regional
groupings. These would include such diverse actors and institutions as
UNCTAD, multilat eral environmental agreements, the International Labor
Organization (ILO), evolving trade blocs such as Mercosur in Latin
America, SAARC in South Asia, SADCC in Southern Africa, and ASEAN in
Southeast Asia. It is in such a more fluid, less structured, more
pluralistic world with multiple checks and balances that the nations and
communities of the South will be able to carve out the space to develop
based on their values, their rhythms, an d the strategies of their choice.
*Walden Bello, PhD, is executive director of Focus on the Global South and
professor of sociology and public administration at the University of the
Philippines. He attended all three WTO ministerials as an NGO delegate.
He is the author of several works on the WTO including Iron Cage: The WTO,
the Bretton Woods Institutions, and the Third World (Bangkok: Focus on the
Global South, 1999).
1. Press briefing, Seattle, 2 December 1999. 2. Quoted in "Deadline Set
for WTO Reforms," Guardian News Service, Jan. 10, 2000. 3. Figures from
World Trade Organization, Annual Report 1998: International Trade
Statistics (Geneva: WTO, 1998), p. 12. 4. Quoted in "Cakes and Caviar:
The Dunkel Draft and Third World Agriculture," Ecologist, Vol. 23, No. 6
(Nov-Dec. 1993), p. 220. 5. C. Fred Bergsten, Director, Institute for
International Economics, Testimony before US Senate, Washington, DC, Oct.
13, 1994. 6. UNCTAD, Trade and Development Report 1991 (New York: United
Nations, 1991), p. 191. 7. See discussion of this in Walden Bello and
Stephanie Rosenfeld, Dragons in Distress: Asia's Miracle Economies in
Crisis (San Francisco: Institute for Food and Development Policy, 1990),
p. 161. 8. Quoted in John Whalley, "Special and Differential Treatment in
the Millennium Round," CSGR Working Paper, No. 30/99 (May 1999), p 3. 9.
Ibid., p. 4. 10. Ibid., p. 7. 11. Ibid., p. 10. 12. Ibid., p. 14. 13.
"More Power to the World Trade Organization?", Panos Briefing, Nov. 1999,
p. 14. 14. South Center, The Multilateral Trade Agenda and the South
(Geneva: South Center, 1998), p. 32. 15. John Whalley, Building Poor
Countries' Trading Capacity CSGR Working Paper Series (Warwick: CSGR,
March 1999) 16. Secretary of Trade Cesar Bautista, Address to 2nd WTO
Ministerial, Geneva, May 18, 1998. 17. C. Fred Bergsten, Director,
Institute for International Economics, Testimony before the US Senate,
Washington, DC, Oct. 13, 1994. 18. Ibid. 19. Ibid. 20. Press briefing,
Seattle, Washington, Dec. 2, 1999 21. Ibid. 22. "Deadline Set for WTO
Reforms," Guardian News Service, 10 January 2000
*************************************************
Jurassic Fund: Should Developing Countries Push to Decommission the IMF?
by Walden Bello*
(This is an expanded version of the author's column in the Far Eastern
Economic Review on Dec. 6, 1999.)
When the International Monetary Fund, in a surprise announcement at the
World Bank-IMF annual meeting at the end of September 1999, announced that
henceforth it would put "poverty reduction" at the center of its approach
toward developing countries, there was widespread speculation among
Washington watchers that Michel Camdessus's days as Managing Director were
numbered.
Indeed, Camdessus resigned in mid-November 1999, shortly after Larry
Summers, the new US Secretary of the Treasury and one of Camdessus biggest
backers, told the US Congress that henceforth, the US would support a "new
fr amework for providing international assistance to [developing]
countries-one that moves beyond a closed IMF-centered process that has too
often focused on narrow macroeconomic objectives at the expense of broader
human de velopment." (1)
The Frenchman's 13-year reign had been identified with a paradigm of
development that he fervently believed in: structural adjustment. In the
two decades since 1980, structural adjustment programs (SAPs) were imposed
joi ntly by the World Bank and the IMF on close to 90 developing
countries, from Guyana to Ghana. Despite important differences among the
various economies, SAPs had the same basic elements: long term
"structural" reforms to
deregulate the economy, liberalize trade and investment, and privatize
state enterprises, coupled with short-term stabilization measures like
cutbacks in government expenditures, high interest rates, and currency
devalua tion. SAPs multiplied during the Third World debt crisis of the
early 1980s, and an important reason was strong pressure from the Bank and
IMF on governments to restructure their economies along lines designed to
yield the fina ncial resources to pay off their massive debts to the
international commercial banks. But the objective of SAPs went beyond
debt repayment or the attainment of short-term macroeconomic stability.
The Bank and the Fund s ought nothing less than the dismantling of
protectionism and other policies of state-assisted capitalism that IMF and
World Bank theorists judged to be the main obstacles to sustained growth
and development.
When the socialist economies of Eastern Europe and Russia collapsed in the
early 1990's, structural adjustment was also extended to that part of the
world, and in a manner that was even more radical than in the South-a pr
ocess that Harvard's Jeffrey Sachs, then one of its vocal proponents,
appropriately labelled "shock therapy." IMF technocrats went to these
countries with even more dogmatic confidence in their one true model than
the Ma rxist bureaucrats they supplanted had in theirs. By the early
1990's, shock therapy and structural adjustment had become cornerstones of
what economist John Williamson called "the Washington Consensus" on the
desired mac roeconomic framework that would create a truly global economy
fuelled by market forces.
Retreat
Two decades after the first structural adjustment loan, the Bank has
formally abandoned structural adjustment, replacing it with the
"Comprehensive Development Framework." The new paradigm, according to a
statement of th e Group of Seven Finance Ministers and Central Bank
Governors, (2) has the following elements: * "increased and more effective
fiscal expenditures for poverty reduction with better targeting of
budgetary resources, especially on social priorities in basic education
and health; * "enhanced transparency, including monitoring and quality
control over fiscal expenditures; * "stronger country ownership of the
reform and poverty reduction process and programs, involving public
participation; * "stronger monitorable performance indicators for
follow-through on poverty reduction; and * "ensuring macroeconomic
stability and sustainability, and reducing barriers to access by the poor
to the benefits of growth."
What brought about the 180 degree turn?
Failure. Spectacular failure that could no longer be denied at the pain
of totally losing institutional credibility.
The World Bank-or rather James Wolfensohn, President Bill Clinton's
nominee to head the Bank in 1993--was the first to recognize that
something was amiss. Coming from outside orthodox development circles,
Wolfensohn sens ed what most World Bank officials did not want to
acknowledge: that with over a 100 countries under adjustment for over a
decade, it was strange that the Bank and the Fund found it hard to point
to even a handful of succ ess stories. In most cases, as Rudiger
Dornbusch of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology put it, structural
adjustment caused economies to "fall into a hole," (3) wherein low
investment, reduced social spending, red uced consumption, and low output
interacted to create a vicious cycle of decline and stagnation, rather an
a virtuous circle of growth, rising employment, and rising investment, as
originally envisaged by World Bank-IMF t heory.
With much resistance from the Bank's entrenched bureaucracy, Wolfensohn
moved to slowly distance the Bank from hard-line adjustment policies and
even got some of his staff to (grudgingly) work with civil society groups
to
assess SAPs in the so-called "Structural Adjustment Review Initiative"
(SAPRI). For the most part, however, the change of attitude did not
translate to changes at the operational level owing to the strong
internalizatio n of the structural adjustment approach among Bank
operatives.
While self-doubt began to engulf the Bank, the IMF, in contrast, plowed
confidently on, and the lack of evidence of success was interpreted to
mean simply that a government lacked political will to push adjustment.
Throu gh the establishment of the Extended Structural Adjustment Facility
(ESAF), the Fund sought to fund countries over a longer period in order to
more fully institutionalize the desired free-market reforms and make them
perm anent.
The Philippine Case
The Philippines', together with Turkey and Costa Rica, was one of the
guinea pigs of structural adjustment. Its experience under adjustment was
representative of the Third World experience. Between 1980 and 1999, the
Ph ilippines became the recipient of nine structural adjustment loans from
the World Bank, and participated in three standby programs, two extended
fund programs, and one precautionary standby arrangement with the IMF. (4)
T he country, in short, was in continuous adjustment for nearly 20 years,
its macroeconomic policies being micromanaged by the Bretton Woods twins.
The first phase of adjustment, which focused on trade liberalization, saw
quantitative restrictions removed on more than 900 items, while the
nominal average tariff protection was brought down from 43 per cent in
1981 to 28 per cent in 1985. But the program failed to factor in the
onset of a global recession, so that instead of rising, exports fell,
while imports coming in to take advantage of the liberalized regime
severely eroded the h ome industries. As the late economist Charles
Lindsay noted, "Whatever the merits of the SAL, its timing was
deplorable." (5) Instead of allowing the government to set in motion
countercyclical mechanisms to arrest the d ecline of private sector
activity, the structural adjustment framework intensified the crisis with
its policy of high interest rates and tight government budgets. Not
surprisingly, the GNP shrank precipitously two years in a row,
contributing to the political crisis that resulted in the ouster of
Ferdinand Marcos in February 1986.
Under Corazon Aquino the second phase of adjustment saw economic recovery
subordinated to the repayment of the foreign debt of the country's $26
billion foreign debt. This was achieved via fiscal austerity and more
inten sified export of natural resources and export-oriented production.
A financial hemorrhage ensued, with the net transfer of financial
resources coming to a negative $1.3 billion a year on average between 1986
and 1981, ac cording to the Freedom from Debt Coalition.(6)
To service the debt, the Aquino administration was forced to borrow
heavily from domestic financial sources, forcing it to channel much of its
budgetary expenditures from development and social spending to meeting
both do mestic and foreign debt obligations. By 1987, some 50 per cent of
the budget was going to service the national debt.(7)
Not surprisingly, this "model debtor" via structural adjustment
institutionalized stagnation, with the country registering zero average
GNP growth between 1983 and 1993. Stagnation led to a worsening of social
conditions , with families living under the poverty line coming to 46.5
per cent of all families in 1991 and the share of the national income
going to the lowest 20 per cent of families dropping from 5.2 per cent in
1985 to 4.7 in 1 991.(8) The Philippines also provided one of the best
documented studies of the correlation between environmental destruction
and structural adjustment, with a World Resources Institute study
concluding that adjustment "c reated so unemployment that migration
patterns changed drastically. The large migration flows to Manila
declined, and most migrants could only turn to open access forests,
watersheds, and artisanal fisheries. Thus the m ajor environmental effect
of the economic crisis was overexploitation of these vulnerable
resources."(9)
When the Ramos administration took over in 1992, the focus of adjustment
shifted back to accelerated privatization, deregulation, and
liberalization of trade, investment, and finance. Petron and several
government enterp rises and services passed to the private sector; a
substantially free trade regime was targeted for 2004, when tariff rates
would be reduced to a uniform five per cent or less for all products; and
nationality restriction s on foreign investment were relaxed considerably.
Capital account liberalization, an IMF prescription, resulted in massive
inflows of speculative capital into the financial and real estate sector,
triggering an artifici al boom in Manila. But the liberalized capital
account also became the wide highway through which billions of dollars
exited in 1997 and 1998, at the onset of the Asian financial crisis,
bringing the GDP growth rate to b elow zero in 1998. (10)
Adjusted and readjusted for nearly 20 years, Manila simply could not climb
out of a deepening hole.
Crisis of Legitimacy
It was the Asian financial crisis that finally forced the IMF to confront
reality. In 1997-98 the Fund moved with grand assurance into Thailand,
Indonesia, and Korea, with its classic formula of short-term fiscal and mo
netary policy cum structural reform in the direction of liberalization,
deregulation, and privatization. This was the price exacted from their
governments for IMF financial rescue packages that would allow them to
repay the massive debt incurred by their private sectors. But the result
was to turn a conjunctural crisis into a deep recession, as government's
capacity to counteract the drop in private sector activity, was destroyed
by bud getary and monetary repression. (11) If some recovery is now
discernible in a few economies, this is widely recognized as coming in
spite of rather than because of the IMF.
For a world that had long been resentful of the Fund's arrogance, this was
the last straw. In 1998-99, criticism of the IMF rose to a crescendo and
went beyond its stubborn adherence to structural adjustment and its serv
ing as a bailout mechanism for international finance capital to encompass
accusations of its being non-transparent and non-accountable. Its
vulnerable position was exposed during the recent debate in the US
Congress over
a G-7 initiative to provide debt relief to 40 poor countries.
Legislators depicted the IMF as the agency that caused the debt crisis of
the poor countries in the first place, and some called for its abolition
within thr ee years. Said Rep. Maxine Walters: "Do we have to have the
IMF involved at all? Because, as we have painfully discovered, the way
the IMF works causes children to starve." (12)
In the face of such criticism from legislators in the IMF's most powerful
member, US Treasury Secretary Larry Summers claimed that the IMF-centered
process would be replaced by "a new, more open and inclusive process that
would involve multiple international organizations and give national
policymakers and civil society groups a more central role." (13).
But is this for Real?
So structural adjustment is dead, and the Bretton Woods institutions have
seen the light. But wait, isn't there something too easy about all this?
The fact is, in the case of the IMF, as well as that of the World Bank and
the Asian Development Bank (ADB), jettisoning the paradigm of structural
adjustment has left them adrift, in the view of many critics, with just t
he rhetoric and broad goals of reducing poverty, but without an innovative
macroeconomic approach. Wolfensohn and his ex-chief economist Joseph
Stiglitz talk about "bringing together" the "macroeconomic" and "social"
asp ects of development, but Bank officials cannot point to a larger
strategy beyond increasing lending to health, population, nutrition,
education, and social protection to 25 per cent of the Bank's total
lending. The ADB i s even more of a newcomer in the anti-poverty
approach, and its strategy paper issued this year is long on laudable
goals but even ADB insiders agree, breaks no new ground in terms of
macroeconomic innovation. Most at se a are IMF economists, some of whom
openly admitted to NGO representatives at the September IMF-World Bank
meeting that so far the new approach was limited to relabeling the
Extended Structural Adjustment Fund (ESAF) the " Poverty Reduction
Facility, and that they were looking to the World Bank to provide
leadership. (14)
It is not surprising that, in these circumstances, the old framework would
reassert itself, with, for example, the IMF telling the Thai government,
already its most obedient pupil, to cut its fiscal deficit despite a very
fragile recovery; the Fund's pushing Indonesia to open its retail trade
to foreign investors, despite the consequences in terms of higher
unemployment; and technocrats of the ADB making energy loans and Miyazawa
funding contingent on the Philippine government's accelerating the
IMF-promoted privatization of the National Power Corporation, despite the
fact that consumers are likely to end up paying more to the seven private
monopolies tha t will succeed the state enterprise.
"It's the old approach of deregulation, privatization, and liberalization
but with safety nets" is the not inappropriate description of one Filipino
labor leader much consulted by the multilateral institutions. (15)
Then, there is the issue of accountability. One cannot just walk away
from the scene of the crime without admitting wrongdoing. The Bank and
the Fund have been responsible for tremendous economic and social damage
wroug ht on Third World economies for over two decades. Shouldn't they be
held to account for that? Should not Camdessus and the whole top
leadership of the IMF, including his deputy Stanley Fischer and
Asia-Pacific division chief Hubert Neiss, who blindly embraced adjustment
to the end, take responsibility for their massive blunders? Despite their
announced resignations, both Camdessus and Neiss are unrepentant when it
comes to their polici es.
Many of the Fund's long-time critics have a darker view of things. To
them, Camdessus served as a sacrificial lamb to blunt real efforts at
reform at a time that the Fund "desperately needs" credibility and
legitimacy, a s the Financial Times put it. (16) This fear is
well-grounded, for in his most recent statements, Larry Summers, the
pivotal figure when it comes to the future of the IMF, appears to have
forgotten about the need for a pa radigm shift. When speaking about the
elements of a "new" IMF strategy, Summers says that the "approach looks to
the IMF to continue to certify that a country's macro-economic policies
are satisfactory before debt is rel ieved of new concessional lending is
advanced." (17) is this what is meant by "moving away from an IMF-centered
process that has too often focused on narrow macroeconomic objectives at
the expense of broader human develop ment"? (18)
Bearing in mind that trade liberalization was one of the most
controversial dimensions of the old structural adjustment approach, even
more revealing is Summers' view that the new IMF must have as one of its
priorities "s trong support for market opening and trade
liberalization."(19) Trade liberalization, Summers continues, "is often a
key component of IMF arrangements. In the course of negotiations, the IMF
has sought continued complian ce with existing trade obligations and
further commitments to market opening measures as part of a strategy for
spurring growth.
For example: As part of its IMF program, Indonesia has abolished import
monopolies for soybeans and wheat; agreed to phase out all non-tariff
barriers affecting imports; dissolved all cartels for plywood, cement and
paper ; removed restrictions on foreign investment in the wholesale and
resale trades; and allowed foreign banks to buy domestic ones. Zambia's
1999 program with the IMF commits the government to reducing the weighted
average tariff on foreign goods to 10 per cent, and to cutting the maximum
tariff from 25 per cent to 20 per cent by 2001. In July, the import ban
on wheat flour was eliminated." (20)
Calling this a "new approach" is, let us face it, stretching the truth.
Radical Reform or Decommissioning?
Now what would a real process of transformation look like? It would be
something that would include more than the open selection process for the
new managing director-one that would open the recruitment process to
non-Eu ropeans -endorsed by Jeffrey Sachs. (21) For the problem lies in
the very structure and culture of the institution: a lack of
accountability except to the US Treasury Department; a belief in
non-transparency as a conditio n for effectiveness; and a deeply ingrained
elitism that renders the bureaucracy incapable of learning from outsiders.
If this is the heart of the matter, then surgery must be more radical. I
would propose the following measures:
* First, so embedded is the old adjustment framework in current programs
that a clean break with the past can only take place not just with a
renaming but with the immediate dismantling of all structural adjustment
progra ms in the Third World and the ex-socialist world and the IMF
adjustment programs imposed on Indonesia, Thailand, and Korea following
the Asian financial crisis.
* Second, immediate reduction of the IMF professional staff from over 1000
to 200, and major cuts in both capital expenditures and operational
expenses of the agency. Most of the Fund's economists are today employed
in m icromanaging adjustment programs and would definitely cease to be
necessary if, as the G-7 Finance Ministers and Central Bank governors
suggest, developing countries be given more authority in formulating and
implementing
their poverty reduction programs; and if, as Jeffrey Sachs advises, the
Fund's main work is limited to monitoring world capital markets and the
world's monetary system. (22)
* Third and most important is the creation of a Global Commission on the
Future of the IMF to decide if the Fund is to be reformed along the lines
suggested by Sachs and others or, to borrow a phrase applied to ageing nuc
lear plants, it is to be decommissioned, which this author favours. Half
of the members of such a body should come from civil society organizations
since it is these groups that were instrumental in bringing to light the
destructive impact of adjustment programs and are now engaged in many of
the most innovative experiments in grassroots social development. Energy
from below and decentralized operations are the trademarks of so many su
ccessful organizations that the top-down centralized IMF looks positively
Jurassic.
With its credibility and legitimacy in tatters, the Fund is in severe
crisis. Unless international civil society intervenes, and intervenes
forcefully now, the powers that be will wait for the storm to blow over
while ta lking, as Larry Summers does, about reform. Radical reform or
decommissioning? That is the question of the hour around which we must
frame our strategies for intervention.
*Dr. Walden Bello is professor of sociology and public administration at
the University of the Philippines and executive director of Focus on the
Global South, a program of research, analysis, and advocacy of the
Chulalon gkorn University Social Research Institute based in Bangkok. He
is the author or co-author of 10 books and numerous articles on Asian
economic and political issues, including A Siamese Tragedy: Development
and Disintegra tion in Modern Thailand (London: Zed, 1998), Dark Victory:
the US, Structural Adjustment, and Global Poverty (San Francisco: Food
First, 1994), and Dragons in Distress: Asia's Miracle Economies in Crisis
(London: Penguin,
1991).
1. Op-ed piece in Washington Post, reproduced in Today (Manila), Nov 15,
1999. 2. Communiqu?, Sept. 25, 1999. 3. Rudiger Dornbusch, quoted in
Jacques Polak, "The Changing Nature of IMF Conditionality," Essays in
International Finance, Princeton University, No. 184 (Sept. 1991), p. 47.
4. Data from Freedom from Debt Coalition (Philippines). 5. Charles
Lindsey, "the Political Economy of Economic Policy Reform in the
Philippines: Continuity and Restoration," in Andrew MacIntyre and Kanishka
Jayasuriya, eds., The Dynamics of Economic Policy Reform in Southeast Asia
and the Southwest Pacific (Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1992). 6.
Freedom from Debt Coalition, "Revisiting Philippine Debt," Paper presented
at the National Debt Conference, Innotech, Commonwealth Avenue, Oct. 9-10,
1997. 7. Freedom from Debt Coalition, Primer on Philippine Debt (Quezon
City: FDC, 1997). 8. Leonor Briones and Jenina Joy Chavez-Malaluan, "New
Social and Political Challenges within the Framework of the Structural
Adjustment Process in Southeast Asia (with Focus on the Philippines):
Effects on New Population
Trends and Quality of Life," Paper prepared for the Population and
Quality of Life Independent Commission, Manila, May 1994, unpublished. 9.
Wifredo Cruz and Robert Repetto, The Envrionmental Effects of
Stabilization and Structural Adjustment (Washington, DC: World Resources
Institute, 1992), p. 48. 10. See Walden Bello, Addicted to Capital: the
Ten-Year High and Present-Day Withdrawal Trauma of Southeast Asia's
Economies (Bangkok: Focus on the Global South, 1997). 11. See Nicola
Bullard, Walden Bello, and Kamal Malhotra, Taming the Tigers: The IMF and
the Asian Crisis (Bangkok: Focus on the Global South, 1998). 12. Quoted in
AP, reproduced in Business World, Nov. 15, 1999. 13. Op-ed, Washington
Post, reproduced in Today, Nov. 15, 1999. 14. Personal communication, Ted
Van Hees of Eurodad, New York, Nov. 1, 1999. 15. Comment of Luis Corral,
political affairs director of TUCP, Nov. 6, 1999. 16. "The IMF's New
Leader," Financial Times, Nov. 18, 1999, p. 16. 17. Treasury Secretary
Larry Summers, "the Right Kind of IMF for a Stable Global Financial
System," Remarks to the London School of Business, London, England, Dec.
14, 1999. 18. Op-ed piece in Washington Post, reproduced in Today, Nov.
15, 1999. 19. Treasury Secretary Larry Summers, Testimony before the US
Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Washington, DC, Nov. 5, 1999. 20.
Ibid. 21. Jeffrey Sachs, "Time to End the Backroom Poker Game,"
Financial Times, Nov. 15, 1999. 22. Ibid.
Focus on the Global South (FOCUS) c/o CUSRI, Chulalongkorn University
Bangkok 10330 THAILAND Tel: 662 218 7363/7364/7365 Fax: 662 255 9976
E-mail: admin@focusweb.org Web Page http://www.focusweb.org
From rob@essential.org Fri, 4 Feb 2000 04:38:39 -0500 (EST)
Date: Fri, 4 Feb 2000 04:38:39 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] Jubilee 2000 Mobilization April 9 (fwd)
Jubilee 2000 USA is organizing a major event in Washington, DC for April
9 on debt cancellation.
This will informally kick off a week of action in DC on debt, structural
adjustment and the IMF/World Bank.
Robert Weissman
Essential Information=09=09=09| Internet:=09rob@essential.org
Stand Up and Be Counted!
We need you to come to Washington and join the
JUBILEE 2000
NATIONAL MOBILIZATION
Sunday April 9, 2000
Washington, D.C.
Citizen action groups, students, people of faith, and all who care about
justice for impoverished countries in Africa, Latin America and Asia will
gather on the Mall in Washington and make their voices heard.
There will be morning religious services for those interested, followed by
music starting at 12:00 noon, a program of speakers starting at 12:30, plus
a Human Chain later in the day. Come to hear some nationally-known speakers
and entertainers (list TBA).
Be part of a massive, public witness --
=3D=3D>Demand that the World Bank, the IMF, and the U.S. Congress ACT NOW f=
or
debt cancellation for the world's poorest countries!
Stay for the Monday Lobby Day --
Meet with your representative and senators and request their commitment to
debt cancellation.
Sponsored by the Jubilee 2000/USA campaign, a coalition of national
environmental, religious, and social justice groups calling for lifting the
crushing burden of debt, through fair and accountable process, by the end o=
f
the year 2000. [see list of sponsoring organizations at
http://www.j2000usa.org/campaign/members.html. The AFLCIO supports the
Jubilee 2000 campaign...and this mobilization!]
For more information contact Jubilee 2000/USA at
222 East Capitol Street, N.E., Washington, D.C., 20003
tel. (202)783-3566
email: april9j2k@yahoo.com www.j2000usa.org
Check the website for up-to-date action alerts!
=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D
What's the goal of this mobilization?
We intend to influence national and international policy and decision
makers. And we call on the U.S. public to pressure Congress and the
Administration to cancel the crushing international debt of impoverished
countries.
Proclaim Jubilee! Cancel the debt NOW!
International debt condemns hundreds of millions of people to live in
poverty. Debt undermines dignity and self-determination. Debt diverts
resources from basic needs such as education, nutrition, health, clean
water, and sanitation. Debt leads to destruction of the environment. Debt
creates political, social and economic instability throughout the world.
We, here in the United States, must stand in solidarity and be counted with
the children, women and men who are victims of the unjust debt. In Accra an=
d
Birmingham (UK), in Tegucigalpa, Manila, Cologne, Johannesburg and hundreds
of other communities, and now in Washington, DC, ordinary people are
standing with the poor of Africa, Latin America and Asia. People in
indebted countries are committed to use resources freed up by debt
cancellation to reduce poverty through their own efforts. The spirit of th=
e
Jubilee movement calls forth new relations with neighbors, nations and the
environment.
We call on our government to act in this Jubilee Year to cancel the crushin=
g
international debt of the world's impoverished countries.
=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D
How has this campaign managed to push the issue of debt onto the radar
screens of policy makers? One way is by putting people on the street!
Let=92s look at the ways people have taken a stand around the globe:
May, 1998 =96 70,000 people jam the streets of Birmingham, England, forming=
a
Human Chain 6 miles long, to say DROP THE DEBT.
June 1999 =96 40,000 people link up on the streets of Cologne Germany to
demand justice for indebted nations
November, 1999 =96 30,000 people form a non-violent Human Chain in Seattle,
Washington to demand action to lift the burden of debt. Like the Birmingha=
m
and Cologne events, this Chain involved thousands of members of local
congregations
In indebted countries there have also been large scale actions:
November, 1998 =96 2,000,000 Peruvians sign the Jubilee 2000 petition in a
space of five months, contributing to a total of over 17 million signatures
worldwide
June, 1999 -- 2,000 people formed a Human Chain in Dhaka, Bangladesh to cal=
l
for debt cancellation
October, 1999 =96 over 1 million people across Latin America take part in t=
he
Shout of the Excluded, to call attention to burden of debt and injustice
Now it=92s our turn to take a public, peaceful stand!
Stand up and be counted in Washington DC, April 9, 2000!
Bring at least five friends =96 if 5,000 people bring five friends that add=
s
up to 30,000 total!
What will it be like?
The event will educational and inspiring. It will be peaceful, legal and
non-violent. It will give you the boost you need to keep working on this
and other issues of global economic justice. It will be a vital
contribution to the global movement to lift the burden of debt and demand
economic justice.
Come to Washington because:
=96 you will be moved, inspired, enlightened. You=92ll leave with tired fe=
et,
but it will all be worth it!
=96 you will hear speeches by leaders of the Jubilee 2000 movement in the
United States and around the world
=96 you will meet people from across the US who are involved in campaign wo=
rk
for this issue
=96 you will gain ideas on how to integrate this campaign into the life of
your group
=96 you will learn about an issue that affects a billion people in Africa,
Asia and Latin America
=96 you will hear inspiring music about the campaign
From rob@essential.org Fri, 4 Feb 2000 04:44:54 -0500 (EST)
Date: Fri, 4 Feb 2000 04:44:54 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] IMF talks in Kenya over aid
>From the BBC:
Monday, 24 January, 2000, 12:45 GMT
Kenya IMF talks on aid resumption
A team of IMF officials is in Kenya for talks which the
government hopes will lead to the resumption of aid.
Lending was suspended more than two years ago, after reports of
official corruption.
The IMF team will meet finance ministry and central bank
officials
to follow-up on talks held in Washington last year.
Kenyan officials said the mission would be followed by another
visit in March, to begin working on the details of a possible new
loan deal.
The IMF has already welcomed government attempts to reform the
civil service and improve accountability.
From the newsroom of the BBC World Service
From rob@essential.org Fri, 4 Feb 2000 04:51:05 -0500 (EST)
Date: Fri, 4 Feb 2000 04:51:05 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] Excellent video on IMF and World Bank policies (fwd)
EDUCATIONAL FILM TO ORGANIZE AGAINST THE WORLD BANK AND IMF
Dear friends,
I am pleased to announce an updated version of the acclaimed 30 minute
documentary by Liz Canner entitled, "Deadly Embrace: Nicaragua, the World
Bank and the IMF." This documentary provides first hand accounts from
Nicaraguan farmers and citizens of how the IMF and World Bank Structural
Adjustment policies have threatened the stability of the Nicaraguan economy
and endangered the lives of citizens. It also includes interviews with IMF
and World Bank employees claiming that structural adjustment policies help
developing nations. A great tool to understand and see how structural
adjustment policies effect the countries they are implemented in.
We are asking you to screen this video to groups or at meetings you have in
your community about globalization, the debt, The World Bank and IMF. It
makes a good introductory tool to first, educate, and second, to stimulate
further discussion and questioning of the World Bank and IMF policies. Also
please spread the word by including this video in your newsletters or
resource guides.
"Deadly Embrace," is available for $30. A 51 page informational and
educational guide is also available for $6.
Postage and Handling is $5.
If you would like to order please send your mailing address, phone number
and a check to:
Liz Canner
164 Hudson St.
Somerville, MA 02144
To learn more about "Deadly Embrace," or if you have further inquiries,
please contact,
Marisa Vitale
617 666-5122
marisav1@hotmail.com
From rob@essential.org Fri, 4 Feb 2000 04:53:08 -0500 (EST)
Date: Fri, 4 Feb 2000 04:53:08 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] IMF-WORLD BANK MEETING IS TARGET - The Washington Post (fwd)
The Washington Post =09=09=09=09Wednesday, January 26, 2000
Protesters At WTO Plan D.C. Follow-Up:
=20
IMF-WORLD BANK MEETING IS TARGET
=09By John Burgess
=09Activist groups that paralyzed downtown Seattle during the=20
World Trade Organization conference late last year plan to=20
converge on Washington in April to protest a joint meeting of the=20
World Bank and International Monetary Fund--with some groups=20
pledging to =93shut down=94 the gathering with civil disobedience.
=09More than 60 organizers met last week in Washington to map=20
out a week of political events aimed at keeping alive what they call=20
=93the spirit of Seattle.=94 They variously plan to lobby in Congress,=20
hold educational forums, stage peaceful demonstrations and=20
physically block the meeting, organizers said.
=09The groups view the IMF and World Bank, both based in=20
Washington, as key institutions for an unjust global economic order=20
that enriches some people and impoverishes others. The meetings=20
have traditionally drawn protesters, but in smaller numbers than=20
predicted for the one on April 16.
=09Many demonstrators will also use the occasion to fight the=20
Clinton administration=92s efforts to persuade Congress to grant=20
China normal trade relations.
=09=93There=92s tons of interest,=94 said Juliette Beck, economic rights=20
coordinator for Global Exchange, a San Francisco activist group. =93=20
=2E . . We are shooting for a gathering of many thousands of people.=94=20
Her group, she said, would attempt to =93shut down=94 the meeting by=20
nonviolent means, with members willing to be arrested.
=09D.C. police said they were aware of the plans and had put=20
together a team to prepare. =93We anticipate that our city will not be=20
shut down,=94 said Terrance W. Gainer, executive assistant chief of=20
the department. =93 . . . We=92ll be in good shape.=94 Police Chief Charles=
=20
H. Ramsey recently attended an FBI seminar on lessons of the=20
Seattle disorders, Gainer added.
=09Organizers have been flying around the country to drum up=20
support. Planners expect that =93spirit of Seattle=94 caravans will cross=
=20
the country from Seattle and the San Francisco Bay area, up the=20
East Coast and down it.
=09On the morning of Nov. 30, armies of demonstrators linked=20
arms to block access to the Seattle convention center where WTO=20
delegates were to try to start a new round of global trade talks.=20
Opening ceremonies were canceled, and cabinet ministers were=20
trapped in their hotels. While most of the demonstrators were=20
peaceful, a few vandals broke store windows, and chaos and tear=20
gas reigned into the night. Three days later, the meeting broke up in=20
failure, and the demonstrators claimed much of the credit.
=09The Seattle police force initially did little to interfere, its city=20
government viewing civil disobedience as a legitimate form of=20
political expression. Their loss of control of a large sector of=20
downtown led to investigations and political invective; D.C. police=20
flew to Seattle in the closing days of the unrest to observe and=20
learn, Gainer said.
=09For groups on the streets, =93Seattle is the =91Big Bang=92 of activism=
=20
for the global economy that has now turned on so many people to=20
the reality of what=92s happening,=94 Beck said. In recent weeks,=20
electronic mail has been flying back and forth to organize a follow-
up in Washington.
=09=93It=92s not a top-down kind of thing,=94 said Soren Ambrose, policy=20
analyst for 50 Years Is Enough, which was founded in 1994 on the=20
half-century anniversary of the IMF and World Bank and is now=20
coordinating the planning. =93It=92s a kind of chaos, with a center, and=20
we are the center.=94
=09Many of the groups prominent in Seattle were present at the=20
organizing meeting in a room at the University of the District of=20
Columbia last week: the Ruckus Society, Global Exchange, Direct=20
Action Network and Public Citizen=92s Global Trade Watch,=20
according to 50 Years Is Enough. Organizers have had initial talks=20
with labor groups about getting them involved.
=09Global Trade Watch deputy director Mike Dolan, who spent=20
months organizing the Seattle demonstrations, predicted that the=20
turnout here would be smaller, because the events are being=20
organized on much shorter notice.
=09Organizers said no one at their meetings was talking of=20
engaging in the kind of violence against property caused in Seattle.=20
Dolan said the group that caused the damage in Seattle was from=20
Oregon and is not represented on the East Coast.
=09Jubilee 2000/USA, part of a worldwide movement pressing for=20
lending institutions such as the World Bank and IMF to forgive the=20
debt of the poorest countries, has for months been planning a=20
peaceful human-chain event for April 9, the Sunday before the=20
meeting. In recent weeks, however, the other groups have begun=20
talking of doing their own events.
=09IMF spokesman Bill Murray declined to discuss security=20
arrangements for the April 16 meeting of the IMF and World Bank,=20
which will draw delegates from many of the sister organizations=92=20
member countries. But =93given what happened in Seattle, we have to=20
be sensitive to security concerns,=94 he said.
=09He said the IMF had been trying to build cooperative relations=20
with the activist groups, and he noted that the Fund is moving=20
forward with plans to forgive some of its loans to the poorest=20
countries.
=09Caroline Anstey, a World Bank spokesman, offered similar=20
views: =93Maybe the dialogue is going to be in the streets. I think it=20
would be better if it were around tables discussing how we can=20
reach solutions to these problems.=94
From rob@essential.org Fri, 4 Feb 2000 04:55:19 -0500 (EST)
Date: Fri, 4 Feb 2000 04:55:19 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] More structural adjustment criticism from Stiglitz
World Bank Dissenter Sticks to His Guns
On Eve of Davos Forum, Departing Official Chides Russia
and IMF
By Alan Friedman
International Herald Tribune, 126/00
ROME - The outgoing chief economist of the World Bank
has not relented
from his criticism of the international financial
community, which he accuses
of excluding poor countries from the decision-making
process.
The economist, Joseph Stiglitz, also restated his
disapproval of Russia's
privatization program, saying the system encourages
''asset stripping'' that
has seen ''billions and billions of dollars'' taken out
of the country.
Mr. Stiglitz, who announced his resignation
unexpectedly late last year after
a string of public statements at odds with both the
International Monetary
Fund and the economic policies of the Clinton
administration, spoke by
telephone to the International Herald Tribune as he was
preparing to attend
the annual meetings of the World Economic Forum in
Davos, Switzerland.
The Davos gathering, scheduled to begin Thursday, is to
be his last public
appearance as a World Bank official before leaving his
post Feb. 1.
The world's poor countries, Mr. Stiglitz said, are
being denied a seat at the
table where key international economic decisions are
made even if those
decisions hurt them.
As for Russia, Mr. Stiglitz said that privatization had
gone ahead without a
sufficient legal framework. As a result, he said,
''rather than providing
incentives for wealth creation, there have been
incentives for asset
stripping.''
''Providing free capital mobility,'' he said, ''has
been an open invitation for
people to take out billions, in fact billions and
billions, of dollars out of the
country.''
Asked why he was leaving the World Bank, Mr. Stiglitz,
56, said that he
believed he could make ''a more effective
contribution'' from a position
outside the bank. In an interview with The New York
Times late last year,
Mr. Stiglitz said that he wished to speak out publicly
on a variety of issues
and felt he could not do so from inside the bank.
''Rather than muzzle myself, or be muzzled, I decided
to leave,'' Mr. Stiglitz
said at the time.
In the interview with the International Herald Tribune,
Mr. Stiglitz cited in
particular his concern about whether the interests of
poor countries had
been ''adequately represented in a lot of the
international fora.''
Commenting on the way the IMF and other institutions
handled the Asian
financial crisis of 1997-1998, Mr. Stiglitz said that
''decisions were made in
the last crisis that really adversely affected working
people, small
businesses.''
He said that many people were thrown out of jobs ''even
though it was
international financial markets that were at the root
of the problem.''
''It was small businesses that faced interest rates
that put them into
bankruptcy, in some countries more than 50 percent of
the firms being put
into bankruptcy,'' Mr. Stiglitz said. ''Yet these
people whose interests were
vitally at stake did not have a seat at the table when
those important
decisions were made.''
Mr. Stiglitz said that one of the challenges for the
international financial
community was ''to establish a framework in which
economic policies are
made which affect everybody,'' and to make sure that
all those affected
''can have a voice in those policies.''
The willingness of Mr. Stiglitz to criticize financial
markets, and to even
suggest that limited government intervention could be
positive, puts him at
odds with the Washington policy consensus led by the
IMF and the
Treasury.
Despite his decision to leave the World Bank, Mr.
Stiglitz maintains cordial
relations with James Wolfensohn, the World Bank
president. Mr.
Wolfensohn is widely regarded as a champion of the
poor, but he has
couched his views in more diplomatic terms than those
used by his
outspoken chief economist.
Mr. Stiglitz said that he would spend a few months at
the Brookings
Institution, a Washington research group favored by
former Democratic
officials, before returning in the autumn to Stanford
University. He took
leave from Stanford seven years ago to serve as
chairman of President Bill
Clinton's Council of Economic Advisers, a post he held
for four years
before moving to the World Bank in 1997.
Explaining his concerns about Russia, Mr. Stiglitz said
the West assumed
that a rules-based legal and financial infrastructure
would emerge
''spontaneously'' and ''that all we needed to do was
privatize.''
But he said that ''privatization by itself has not been
a guarantee for
success.'' Rather than becoming wealthier, he said,
Russia has become
poorer.
Mr. Stiglitz is clearly unrepentant for his
outspokenness, even though some
of his comments about Russia were criticized by Mr.
Wolfensohn last year
as being ''not wholly correct.''
Protest to Proceed
A group opposing the World Trade Organization said
Wednesday that it
would go ahead with a demonstration on Saturday against
the World
Economic Forum at Davos, despite a municipal ban
stopping it taking place
that day and a request to postpone it until Sunday,
news agencies reported.
''The demonstration scheduled for Saturday afternoon in
Davos will go
ahead, whether it is authorized or not,'' said Vera
Sommer, a spokeswoman
for the group.
President Clinton is expected to be at a ski station
near Davos on Saturday.
The protesters' organizers have filed an appeal against
the municipal
council's ban on the demonstration.
They said they would refrain from marching at the
station and will instead
gather in one place in the area providing they get the
go-ahead to
demonstrate on Saturday.
About 500 protesters are expected.
The Swiss army has been dispatched for the first time,
and a lone U.S.
military helicopter - a rare sight in this neutral
nation - has been hovering
above the mountains in a security check.
(AFX, Reuters)
From rob@essential.org Fri, 4 Feb 2000 04:58:18 -0500 (EST)
Date: Fri, 4 Feb 2000 04:58:18 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] IMF not ready to bow out
This is a very important story, suggesting the IMF is not at all ready to
follow Larry Summers' suggestion that it get out of the business of
long-term development lending.
World Bank Poverty Chief to Join IMF Amid Calls for Reform
Bloomberg
Washington, Jan. 25
The World Bank's poverty chief will join the International Monetary Fund,
even as the U.S. presses for the IMF to abandon development loans and
focus on short-term lending to shore up government finances.
Masood Ahmed, a World Bank vice president, will take a new senior post at
the IMF in June working on poverty issues, the bank said.
Ahmed will be a ``central player'' in a new joint effort between the fund
and the bank on debt reduction, although he has no specific title yet,
according to IMF spokesman Bill Murray.
The move comes days after U.S. Treasury Secretary Lawrence Summers said
the Group of Seven industrial countries will take a ``comprehensive'' look
at how the IMF lends its money. The fund is trying to balance calls by the
U.S. Congress and Summers that it concentrate on temporary emergency
lending.
``The fund was not originally intended to get involved in the economies of
the poorest countries,'' said Veena Siddharth, a senior policy analyst at
Oxfam International, an advocacy group.
Oxfam and other poverty-fighting organizations have criticized the IMF for
collecting debt payments from countries struggling to fund education,
health care and other basic services. That censure led the fund to set up
a program with the World Bank to forgive debt for countries like Mali,
Bolivia and Guyana in exchange for reforms.
Ahmed, who was not immediately available for comment, now runs the World
Bank's debt relief program. He will be succeeded at the World Bank by
Kemal Dervis, who works as vice president for the Middle East and North
Africa region, the bank said.
From rob@essential.org Fri, 4 Feb 2000 05:01:04 -0500 (EST)
Date: Fri, 4 Feb 2000 05:01:04 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] Critical review of "debt relief"
DON'T BE FOOLED BY DEBT RELIEF
by John Pilger
10th January 2000
Don't be fooled by Debt Relief ... it's just another way of reshaping the
third world to the demands of capital.
The recent announcement by the British government that it is to "cancel
third world debt" was a propaganda triumph. What a joy, sang the Guardian.
Debt forgiveness, said Bob Geldof, was an "instinct" that was "deeply
rooted" in Tony Blair's background.
A code word in Gordon Brown's statement ought to have been enough to alert
even the gullible. Brown said that poor countries would have their debt
forgiven if they used the relief "productively". Later, he wrote, "both the
IMF and the World Bank will show how together macro-economic, structural
reform and anti-poverty programmes can bring less poverty and more growth".
Not a single example exists where "macro-economic, structural reform" - he
means laissez-faire capitalism imposed by the IMF and World Bank - has
alleviated mass poverty. Throughout the developing world, especially
Africa, "structural adjustment programmes" have destroyed jobs and public
services, while shaping local economies to the demand of transnational
capital. In the IMF's most "successful" countries in sub-Saharan Africa, 13
children die every minute from the likes of diarrhoea and malnutrition. Far
from changing this, Brown's "initiative" will reinforce it. To qualify,
those countries that have been bled by British banks for 20 years will have
to adhere to the "conditionality" of the World Bank's "Poverty Reduction
and Growth Facility", which allows limited relief to highly visible
projects in countries that have been awarded World Bank/ IMF brownie points
for privatising and slashing jobs and services. The British Treasury will
now have a fine excuse for not increasing Britain's scandalously mean aid
programme.
There is a related hidden agenda here. This is the emergence, in another
guise, of the discredited Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI). Had
it not been for an international campaign against MAI, the "Paris club" of
rich governments, notably the Blair regime, would have signed away, in
effect, the sovereignty and independence of developing countries to
transnational capital; for the power to override national environmental and
employment laws was at the core of MAI. The campaign against it forced
governments, notably the French, to break ranks. MAI died. Or so it seemed.
Those who follow the chameleon enthusiasms of Clare Short, Blair's
Secretary of State for International Development and defender of
globalisation and illegal bombing, will note her latest: "untying" British
aid from trade deals with British companies. Her stated reasons seem so
sensible. Why should poor countries, she says, be restricted to British
commercial contracts? Surely that is "unfair"? What she omits to say is
that the Blair government is at the forefront of "liberalising" the entire
procurement and contracting system in the third world: booty worth three
trillion dollars, more than international trade.
This "untying" will allow British and other rich-world transnational
corporations eventually to secure contracts in domestic markets previously
barred to them. By comparison, the 14 per cent of the British aid budget
presently exploited by British companies is chicken feed. This was not
debated at Seattle, and there is the danger of a behind-closed-doors fait
accompli.
In Britain, one of the obstacles to mounting an opposition to this is the
compliance of leading voluntary agencies, or non-government organisations.
The "euphoria" of certain NGOs following Gordon Brown's "debt relief"
announcement comes after a long seduction. NGOs represent the "civil
society" courted by new Labour. Having become dependent on government
funding and gone some of the way with the fakery of "productivity" linked
to poverty relief, and having in recent years "restructured" their
organisations right down to the use of claptrap market jargon, the more
ambitious in the NGOs are in danger of slipping into bed with new Labour,
the government of business. A few, such as Action Aid, remain unseduced,
and there are those who clearly have serious doubts: witness the report by
Louise Jury and Matthew Lockwood, Millennium Lottery: who lives, who dies
in an age of third world debt? published last month by Christian Aid.
When Peter Mandelson and his co-author Roger Liddle outlined in their book
one of the blueprints for new Labour, they identified Britain's "economic
strengths" as the transnational corporations, the "aerospace" industry
(arms) and the "pre- eminence of the City of London". The evidence is now
irrefutable; new Labour is a major facilitator of capital and of the
sinister changes planned for the world's economy as part of globalisation.
On the day Gordon Brown announced his "debt relief", this overshadowed the
news that the Commons International Development Committee had discovered
that a quarter of all export credit guarantees to poor countries were for
the sale of weapons. Five days later, at the climax of the Hamilton and
Fayed libel circus, the Trade Secretary, Stephen Byers, approved export
credit guarantees worth =A3200 million to finance the huge Ilisu dam in
Turkey that will assist in ethnically cleansing thousands of Kurds from
their cultural heartland. No one wants it, apart from the repressive
regime in Turkey, an arms client of the Blair government, and the British
construction firm, Balfour Beatty, which stands to make a fortune. Does all
this sound familiar? Recognise the name of the company from the Pergau Dam
scandal in Malaysia, the epitome of Tory corruption? Little has changed;
and we ought not to be fooled a second time.
From rob@essential.org Fri, 4 Feb 2000 05:08:42 -0500 (EST)
Date: Fri, 4 Feb 2000 05:08:42 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] IN AFRICA, DEBT RELIEF HAS TWO SIDES - The Los Angeles Times (fwd)
The Los Angeles Times=09=09=09=09Thursday, January 27, 2000
=20
IN AFRICA, DEBT RELIEF HAS TWO SIDES=20
=09Misery is being eased by the willingness of rich nations and big=20
=09lenders to cancel the financial obligations of poor countries. But=20
=09critics say the plans could perpetuate the shackles of=20
=09colonialism.=20
=20
=09By Dean E. Murphy, Times Staff Writer
BUGIRI, Uganda--Until recently, school here was conducted on a=20
patch of trampled earth beneath a giant berry tree. For the lucky=20
few, there was a pair of grass huts. Now, the children meet beneath=20
shiny metal roofs in brick classrooms at the Namayemba Primary=20
School, one of thousands of development projects across Africa.=20
=09But the Namayemba school is different in a potentially=20
momentous way: Construction money came from a new account=20
created when foreign lenders canceled some Ugandan government=20
debt. And because of strict controls, none of the newly freed-up=20
cash appears to have been stolen or misused.=20
=09The unusual approach to financing the school is at the center of=20
a contentious overhaul of the global creditor-debtor relationship. At=20
a time of unparalleled prosperity in the United States and Western=20
Europe, the world=92s most impoverished countries are poised to=20
benefit from billions of dollars in canceled debts owed to wealthy=20
countries and big international institutions.=20
=09In order to reap this reward, strapped governments, mostly in=20
Africa, have decided to play by the rules of the powerful lenders.=20
Uganda, an East African nation of 22 million, is the first to benefit=20
by redirecting money once earmarked for paying off debts to such=20
things as building schools and buying medicine.=20
=09Two dozen African countries are lined up for the unprecedented=20
debt assistance, but the write-offs have touched deep emotions. On=20
a continent where bad governance and corruption are endemic, and=20
Washington-based international institutions have patchy records,=20
the debt relief programs run by the International Monetary Fund=20
and the World Bank are being scrutinized through the prism of=20
Africa=92s tumultuous past.=20
=09At the center of the debate is a battle over what strings should=20
be attached to debt relief--and how much of the developing world=92s=20
estimated $2.3-trillion debt should qualify. Some critics complain=20
that the stringent structural adjustments required by international=20
lenders could perpetuate the paternalistic north-south dynamic that=20
has shackled the continent throughout its modern history. Others=20
counter that without such tough guidelines, inept African leaders=20
will squander the money they save.=20
=09=93Debt and debt relief are normally subjects for economists, but=20
there is nothing academic about them,=94 President Clinton said in=20
September. =93We have before us perhaps as great an opportunity as=20
the people of the world have ever seen.=94=20
=09Nearly half of all Africans live on less a year than the average=20
American family pays for a cable television subscription. The=20
Mozambican legislature recently calculated that Europeans spend=20
more annually on ice cream than would be needed to provide=20
primary education, clean water and sanitation for the tens of=20
millions of Africans without such basic services.=20
=09Meanwhile, Africa=92s poorest governments are spending up to=20
25% of total revenue on debt payments to foreign lenders.=20
=09Prodded by grass-roots anti-poverty movements worldwide,=20
Clinton, British Prime Minister Tony Blair and others say the=20
helping hand for indebted countries is long overdue. Clinton has=20
proposed a U.S. contribution of $800 million over the next four=20
years to help finance $50 billion in global write-offs, although=20
Congress in November refused to approve the first year=92s=20
allocation.=20
=09Separately, the United States has already forgiven more than=20
$1.2 billion in debt owed it by 20 African countries. Next year=92s=20
budget includes an additional $110 million to write off more debt as=20
part of the worldwide debt relief programs.=20
=09The world=92s poorest countries owe the bulk of the money to=20
private and public lenders in the United States, Europe and Asia as=20
well as to the IMF and the World Bank. The funds were borrowed=20
by post-colonial governments over the past few decades and in=20
most cases were mismanaged, stolen, squandered or lost on the=20
battlefield. Some of the lenders, flush with cash, clearly overreached=20
or were guilty of bad judgment.=20
=09The poor countries say they cannot possibly repay the loans. An=20
estimated 55% of poor-country debt is not being paid, according to=20
the Jubilee 2000 Coalition, a London-based group lobbying for debt=20
cancellation.=20
=09But the cancellation of Third World debt is much like the=20
refinancing of a personal loan: Borrowers don=92t save a penny unless=20
they agree to the fine print. And there is no guarantee that debtors=20
will like the conditions, be grateful or see anything but self-interest=20
on the part of those offering to help.=20
=09Powerful organizations such as the IMF say they want to make=20
sure that savings from canceled debts do not pad the Swiss bank=20
accounts of African autocrats or bankroll their wars. They intend to=20
direct debt relief to causes they deem worthy, by imposing=20
guidelines on who qualifies, when and how.=20
=09=93It is not that there is any resistance to debt relief, but we can=92t=
=20
just write a blank check that says you don=92t have to pay your bills,=94=
=20
said Robert L. Mallett, U.S. deputy secretary of commerce. =93We=20
cannot have Africa operating with a double standard.=94=20
Economic Criteria to Qualify Are Exacting=20
=09Before qualifying for the kind of relief Uganda got last year,=20
most eligible African countries will have to meet exacting economic=20
criteria. They will be judged on everything from trade liberalization=20
to taxation policies to the selling of state-owned companies.=20
=09The IMF, the World Bank, the United States and others say that=20
African countries must open up to the global economy--and control=20
wasteful internal spending and inflation--if debt relief is to be put to=20
lasting use. African countries from Ghana in the west to Tanzania in=20
the east have concluded that IMF-mandated reforms are their best=20
option.=20
=09But in the past, reforms imposed from the outside have failed in=20
some countries, leaving the poor no better off. A growing=20
worldwide movement--which has attracted a following ranging=20
from Irish singer Bono to former heavyweight boxing champion=20
Muhammad Ali to Pope John Paul II--is demanding that debts=20
deemed unpayable be canceled outright. Adherents of this approach=20
insist only on bare-bones conditions--mainly, making sure that the=20
money is properly accounted for and is directed exclusively toward=20
helping the poor.=20
=09Some African leaders, moreover, want to ensure that debt=20
assistance does not further solidify the economic dominance of the=20
developed world. They would like to cut out the middlemen such as=20
the IMF and the World Bank.=20
=09=93For debt relief to work, let the conditions be set by civil=20
society in our countries, not by big world institutions using it as a=20
political tool,=94 said Kennedy Tumutegyereize of the Uganda Debt=20
Network, a coalition of advocacy groups. =93That way, we can=20
promote democracy and human rights with debt relief. Right now,=20
there is a general belief that no African government can survive=20
without a master in the north.=94=20
=09According to a survey cited by Oxfam International, a London-
based network of aid agencies, three-quarters of the African=20
countries undergoing IMF-mandated reforms in the 1980s and=20
1990s cut public spending on education.=20
=09An IMF study last year of 66 countries worldwide that have=20
followed IMF economic programs found that per capita spending=20
on education increased in Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean--
but fell in sub-Saharan Africa. Oxfam and other advocates for the=20
poor fear that IMF-guided debt assistance will only make things=20
worse, at least in the short term, as governments rein in social=20
spending to meet inflation and budget targets required for the write-
offs.=20
=09=93This is precisely the form of slavery that we . . . so roundly=20
condemn,=94 said Anglican Archbishop Njongonkulu Ndungane of=20
South Africa, a prominent proponent of cutting African debt with=20
few strings attached. =93Secretive, behind-closed-doors negotiations=20
between political elites in Africa and bureaucratic elites in=20
Washington foster corruption and undermine democratic=20
accountability in Africa.=94=20
Uganda Is Debt Relief=92s Poster Child=20
=09Even Uganda had its assistance delayed for more than a year=20
because of unhappiness among lenders. But those problems aside,=20
Uganda remains the poster child of international debt relief.=20
=09Last year, Uganda became the first country to qualify under a=20
recent IMF-World Bank debt initiative, with about $650 million in=20
loans wiped off the books. Uganda met the criteria well ahead of=20
other countries because President Yoweri Museveni had followed a=20
strict regimen of IMF and World Bank medicine since the late=20
1980s.=20
=09=93There must be some benchmark for the [debts] to be forgiven,=94=20
Museveni said in an interview. =93[One] must show signs that he is=20
managing his economy well, that he has made the necessary=20
reforms. There must be linkage between forgiveness and the policy=20
of reform.=94=20
=09After disastrous rule by Idi Amin and then Milton Obote, a=20
devastating civil war and a brief experiment with go-it-alone=20
economic policies, Museveni turned the country in 1987 irreversibly=20
toward Western-style fiscal and monetary conservatism.=20
=09The government cut public spending--including per capita=20
allowances for education--tackled inflation and promoted economic=20
growth. By the mid-1990s, with the economy in relatively good=20
order, it then shifted toward anti-poverty efforts--which included=20
big increases in health and education spending and strong appeals=20
for international debt relief.=20
=09=93A lot of countries are watching Uganda=92s experience,=94 said=20
Randolph Harris, the World Bank=92s representative in Kampala, the=20
Ugandan capital. =93A lot still needs to be done, but they are doing=20
things right.=94=20
=09In this muddy farming district 100 miles east of Kampala,=20
money from canceled debts has helped pay for antimalarial drugs,=20
new dirt roads to remote villages and, so far, enough bricks to build=20
29 classrooms, including two at the Namayemba school.=20
=09Pastor Edward Nikanori, who heads the PTA at Namayemba=20
and runs a nearby church, said the improvements may seem small to=20
outsiders. God knows, he said, a lot more is needed. At=20
Namayemba, pupils outnumber teachers by about 100 to 1. In first=20
grade, there are only 15 textbooks for 400 pupils. And despite the=20
new drugs, someone dies of malaria about every other day.=20
=09Even so, residents are so thrilled with the progress--any=20
progress--that theft and corruption have been nonexistent, the=20
pastor said. Normally, local government officials acknowledge, it is=20
a struggle to keep international donations and other funds from=20
going missing. Even bricks for public buildings walk.=20
=09=93Everyone is admiring this place when they pass on the road,=94=20
said Nikanori, proudly summoning the student body to pose for a=20
picture outside the newest classroom. =93Parents now have started=20
contributing to build three more classrooms of our own. There is=20
optimism like we never had before.=94=20
=09It is because of the excitement in Bugiri and a handful of similar=20
places in Uganda that many proponents of debt relief are urging=20
Africans to follow the Ugandan example.=20
=09Uganda=92s poverty reduction program is the sole beneficiary of=20
savings from its canceled debts. Every dollar not paid in debt=20
service is placed in a government =93poverty action fund.=94=20
=09All contributions to the poverty fund--including canceled debts,=20
international donations and Ugandan government money--can be=20
publicly tracked. Last year, most of the money came from debt=20
relief. The increasingly popular fund contains about $105 million=20
this year, of which $44 million came from debt relief.=20
=09The Ugandan government is also trying to tackle chronic=20
corruption by opening its books. The parliament invites=20
nongovernmental organizations to monitor its work, particularly the=20
anti-poverty programs. The media have also been given a free hand=20
to scrutinize government spending, something not tolerated in many=20
African countries.=20
=09=93We recognize we cannot move forward with more debt relief if=20
there is a lack of transparency and accountability,=94 said Damoni=20
Kitabire of Uganda=92s Ministry of Finance.=20
=09There have been mistakes and setbacks.=20
=09Uganda=92s costly military involvement in Congo, where many=20
Central African countries have intervened in a civil war, has raised=20
fears about the country=92s defense spending. Several high-profile=20
government officials have been ensnared in corruption scandals--an=20
indication that Uganda has far to go in conquering corruption. And=20
even with its newfound openness, the government has been accused=20
of cooking statistics; one top official was greeted with derisive=20
laughter last year when he announced in parliament that the=20
economy was growing at a rate higher than almost anyone believed.=20
=09Early last year, the Danish government decided not to increase=20
its aid to Uganda because of worries about how the money was=20
being handled. Uganda, which received $69.5 million from=20
Copenhagen last year, is the No. 1 recipient of Danish foreign=20
giving.=20
=09=93We have had several cases of funds being misused,=94 said Jens=20
Rasmussen of the Danish Embassy in Kampala. =93It is a general=20
problem in this part of the world.=94=20
Many Lenders Stopped Expecting Repayment=20
=09Despite such obstacles here and in other developing countries,=20
leaders of the big industrialized nations concede that more must be=20
done to help the world=92s worst off. But with little interest in=20
spending a lot of money, they have turned to old debts to plug the=20
hole. Many lenders had given up on getting the money back=20
anyway.=20
=09Three years ago, the IMF and the World Bank launched the=20
program intended to reduce repayments for the world=92s poorest 41=20
countries. The so-called Highly Indebted Poor Countries initiative,=20
or HIPC, is the centerpiece of international debt-relief efforts,=20
though it falls far short of total cancellation.=20
=09So far, only Uganda and a handful of other countries have=20
qualified. Leaders of the big industrialized countries who met in=20
Cologne, Germany, last spring decided to ease the qualifications,=20
but they were hazy about how to pay for the greater generosity.=20
The cost of the expanded program, according to the IMF, will=20
increase from $12.5 billion to $27.5 billion.=20
=09In contrast, a comprehensive write-off would mean erasing=20
between $130 billion and $370 billion from the books, according to=20
various calculations.=20
=09=93If the developed countries are serious about human equality=20
and equity, they should give Africa this chance,=94 said Ndungane,=20
the South African archbishop. =93Germany was flattened during=20
World War II but given a lease on life with the Marshall Plan and a=20
transfer of technology. Let=92s give the developing nations the=20
wherewithal to help themselves.=94=20
=09The governments that are keeping up with payments say the=20
burden is so great that they have little left for education, health care=20
and other essential services. The IMF counters that poor=20
governments, on average, receive twice as much money in foreign=20
aid as they pay in debt service, but many governments say that is=20
small comfort when poverty is so pervasive and aid worldwide is=20
decreasing.=20
=09=93Our debt service equals 25% of the total revenue of the=20
government,=94 said Gabriel Fabiao Mambo of the Ministry of=20
Planning and Finance in Mozambique, until recently the world=92s=20
poorest country. =93That means we are left fighting poverty with just=20
three-quarters of our resources.=94=20
=09Mozambique is one of the most recent beneficiaries, and the=20
biggest, of the IMF-World Bank program. In June, the former=20
Portuguese colony became the fourth country to get relief. Uganda=20
was the first, in April 1998, followed by Bolivia and Guyana in=20
South America.=20
=09The Mozambican package is worth about $3.7 billion and, over=20
the next five years, will cut the country=92s external public debt by=20
almost two-thirds. But Mozambican President Joaquim Chissano=20
says it is not enough for the former Marxist economy to get firmly=20
on its feet.=20
=09In the vicious circle of down-and-out economies, Chissano and=20
others say, poor countries will never attract the foreign investment=20
they need so long as their debt burdens remain so high; the massive=20
obligations scare away investors and rob governments of money=20
they could use to attract business.=20
=09Even with the new write-offs, Mozambique must pay an=20
estimated $73 million a year in debt service for the next five years--
about 10% of government revenue. Chissano says it is too much,=20
and he is already pushing for total cancellation.=20
=09Mozambique will probably get more relief under the beefed-up=20
HIPC program. But that too will probably not be enough. Mallett,=20
the U.S. commerce official, recently warned Africans that they must=20
root out corruption, stop killing one another and foster more=20
regional cooperation to win the lasting confidence, goodwill and=20
financial commitment of developed nations.=20
=09=93The global economy is here, and unlike Europe [after World=20
War II], you don=92t have 40 years to get your act together,=94 he said.
From rob@essential.org Fri, 4 Feb 2000 05:30:59 -0500 (EST)
Date: Fri, 4 Feb 2000 05:30:59 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] important: Camdessus: An Agenda for the IMF at the start of the 21st
Century
There's too much useful information in here to pull out highlights. This
is part of the IMF's effort to define its role, as it faces criticism and
attack not only from debt cancellation campaigners by Larry Summers.
Robert Weissman
Essential Information | Internet: rob@essential.org
An Agenda for the IMF at the start of the 21st Century
Remarks by Michel Camdessus
Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund
At the Council on Foreign Relations
New York, February 1, 2000
As prepared for delivery
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen. During
my 13 years at the IMF, I have been
privileged to meet with the Council on Foreign
Relations on four previous occasions. On each of
these encounters I have been impressed by your
openness and by the attention that you have paid to
the IMF. Your forbearance toward me personally makes
me feel that I received much more than I
gave. Today I come to thank you for all this, for your
understanding, your encouragement, the
public support that many of you individually have
given us, and the intellectual contribution that
you have generated, prominent among which has been the
recent report of your Independent Task
Force.1 So I feel it appropriate, with an audience
that always encourages candor and openness, to
share with you a few thoughts on the role of the IMF
at the start of a new century.
Let me immediately state that the hallmarks I have
most admired in the IMF are its universality and
its adaptability. It is a perennially "self-reforming"
institution, very mindful of its obligation to its
entire membership. Consider what this has meant over
recent years when the world was facing
three major challenges: the gathering pace--and
expanding opportunities and risks--of globalization;
the transition from plan to market in many countries;
and the realization that we were lagging far
behind in responding to the plight of the world's
poorest people and poorest countries. Looking to
the future, we can anticipate a continuation and
deepening of the trends toward integration of
markets and of massive global private capital flows,
but also the presence of tough challenges: old
ones--like poverty--and new ones, such as the aging of
populations in many countries, and the
potential for a surge in extremism and violence if we
are not able to reverse the trend toward greater
inequalities between the poorest and affluent
countries. To play its appropriate role, in such a
context, what kind of a Fund do we need?
Let us start by considering the IMF that exists today.
I see five well demonstrated strengths that the
Fund offers its membership:
One, universality and the responsibility it
bears to interact cooperatively with each of its
members on their economic policies;
Two, a clearly defined, tried-and-tested
mandate as set out in its original purposes, which
continue to ring remarkably true today;
Three, its flexibility, its capacity to adapt
rapidly its activities to the new demands of a
continually evolving global economy;
Four, the fact that it was conceived as "the
machinery," as it is put in the Articles, for
promoting multilateral cooperation in
addressing international economic issues;
And finally, a staff well-known for its
professionalism and its unique experience in
performing its tasks of surveillance, technical
assistance, and crisis management.
How can these strengths be most effectively deployed
and developed in the midst of today's rapid
innovation in a world where we must always be prepared
for the unexpected? Well, to put it in a
sentence: by striving to be responsible to each member
whatever their size or condition; and
simultaneously, and by keeping a global perspective,
discharging the Fund's responsibility with
respect to the whole international monetary and
financial system.
These are the two domains on which our reform effort
must be focussed.
* * * * *
I. Responding to the needs of each of our members
Yes, all countries must always be able to rely on the
Fund to be helpful in pursuing their objectives
of stability and high-quality growth and so
contributing--I quote the Articles of Agreement--"to the
promotion and maintenance of high levels of employment
and real income...."
All this points to an active and wide-ranging agenda.
Let me concentrate on three areas of work
with countries where our activities are changing:
economic management in normal times (the other
name of crisis prevention), the specific problems of
the poorest and most heavily indebted, and
crisis management.
First, in the aftermath of the Asian crisis much
emphasis has been placed on crisis
prevention--rightly so. Yet I find that emphasis too
limiting. The world needs an institution, of
course, to help in crisis prevention! But this is the
very minimum: we are in a unique position to
help each country to generate higher and higher
quality growth for itself and in so doing to help
generate high, better-balanced growth for the entire
world. We cannot aim for anything less! We
must place the emphasis on the ultimate objectives of
national policymakers: stability and
high-quality growth through sound policy. The Fund's
proper role in normal times is analysis and
policy dialogue--surveillance--for all its members,
from the United States to the smallest Pacific
island nations. The primary focus, of course, will be
on the core areas of the Fund's
mandate--macroeconomic policy and management. But we
have learned that effective, credible
policy implementation hinges on the broader issues of
sound institutions, transparency, and good
governance with all this implies for financial
soundness, structural reform, the implementation of
standards, and social and labor policies. This is why
our surveillance is rapidly changing:
emphasizing more strongly the international
implications of domestic economic policy;
developing its regional dimensions;
integrating within surveillance technical
assessments of vulnerabilities and risks in the
financial sectors; and
disseminating internationally recognized
standards and codes. 2
Second, we must try to draw the logical conclusions
from the recognition that, the plight of the
poorest countries--and the poorest people within
them--is the "ultimate systemic threat." 3 Despite
all the efforts of the past 50 years, including a new
emphasis on structural adjustment programs
during the 1980s, the gains have been too slow, per
capita income in many of the poorest countries
has declined, debt has increased, and poverty remains
widespread. For these reasons, the
international community has recently decided to launch
a renewed effort simultaneously to address
poverty and the debt overhang. We have put in place
the revised HIPC initiative, which will
provide large-scale debt relief to countries whose
pro-growth policies include an explicit and
targeted anti-poverty strategy, reached by a process
involving widespread participation of civil
society. The new approach is based on the closest
possible collaboration between the IMF and the
World Bank, with the World Bank taking the lead in
lending for anti-poverty purposes.
As part of its contribution to the global anti-poverty
effort, the IMF has replaced its concessional
facility, the ESAF, with the better focussed Poverty
Reduction and Growth Facility (PRGF). Why
should the IMF be involved in this new approach?
Because now, at last, there is a widespread
conviction that there is a mutually reinforcing
relationship between macroeconomic stability and
structural reform on one hand, and growth and the
reduction of poverty and inequality on the other.
Stability and strong institutions are clearly
essential for growth, and hence for poverty alleviation.
But the converse is also true: popular support for
stabilization and reform will not be there unless
the whole population, including the poorest, is able
to participate in the benefits of a comprehensive
set of policies which also aims to unlock all its
productive potential, prioritize human development
spending, and provide sufficient safety nets for the
most vulnerable.
However, articulating poverty reduction as an explicit
objective of our programs does not mean that
the IMF will be heading off in a major new direction
in its operational focus. Rather, we will have
to rely on our partners in the World Bank and the
regional development banks to undertake the
lending operations that will support the direct
anti-poverty policies included in the economic
programs we support. For the Fund, the objective is to
ensure that poverty reduction is an integral
and explicit objective when designing policies, and to
verify that the machinery and support are
available to pursue these policies.
Third, crisis management: this is the IMF's most
publicized work, it must of course continue to
be essential. But, to respond adequately to the range
of country circumstances, the Fund needs a
variety of approaches.
At one end of the spectrum, we find the
headline-grabbing situations where domestic crises
have systemic implications in countries
suddenly hit by urgent large-scale liquidity crises.
The Fund is better equipped to extend such
support. At its disposal it now has the
Supplemental Reserve Facility (SRF), designed
to respond rapidly to major crises, and the
Contingent Credit Lines (CCL), aimed at
averting the effects of contagion on countries that
are otherwise implementing sound policies.
At the other end of the spectrum, we find a
substantial number of the poorest countries,
facing the deep-seated crisis of declining
incomes and poverty. These cases will need
policy advice, technical cooperation and
extensive financial support (albeit small in global
terms), typically over a period of years rather
than months or weeks.
Between these two extremes, are the many
countries, each relatively small in global terms,
that will continue to demand the Fund's
attention and support. Ineligible for concessional
support, not yet able to attract sizable
private capital flows, and yet at times faced with the
challenges of deep structural reform, some of
these countries will continue to need
recourse to official sources of support from
time to time. These countries should have the
assurance of drawing, when necessary, on the
IMF's existing facilities--ranging from the
classic 12-month stand-by arrangement to the
well-established 3-year extended
arrangement. It goes almost without saying that
we keep these facilities under frequent
review adapting them as needed. It is with them
that the IMF reveals its nature as a kind of
world "credit union": as D. Rockefeller put it
so well in a recent article 4. Contributing in
ordinary times to the financing of the
cooperative institution at market rates, countries are
entitled to benefit from its contribution in
times of adversity provided they undertake the
needed reforms.
II. Responding to the systemic needs of a globalized world
Let me now turn to the global dimension of the Fund's
responsibilities. This brings us to the
reform of the global financial architecture, to the
question of how the Fund might be even better
equipped to respond to a major global meltdown, and
finally to the broader question of the
operation and governance of the international monetary
and financial system.
A year ago, in virtually every international
conference the central theme was reform of the
international financial architecture. A great deal has
been achieved in the past year in advancing
transparency--that golden rule--together with
financial sector stability, and internationally
recognized standards. Now we are in the midst of the
long process of implementation and it is vital
that the world maintains its enthusiasm for change
even when we are no longer in the midst of
emergency.
But there are also three important areas where the
debate is still open.
First, given the rapidly growing role of private
capital flows, and the long-term potential for further
expansion, a key issue is the role of the private
sector in financial markets. Unfortunately, the
debate on "involving the private sector," has
developed into a highly technical discussion that too
often has focussed on the role of the private sector
in situations of crisis. Important though that is,
we must keep sight of the broader principles involved:
promoting open capital markets in which
foreign and domestic private investors are able to
compete in an environment marked by stability
and transparent relationships between public and
private partners. This is clearly not a goal that will
be achieved overnight: volatility in private sector
flows is likely to persist in crises, and the Fund
may well have to step in from time to time.
Therefore, it seems particularly productive to place
the emphasis on how to expand the
opportunities for and contribution of the private
sector, on promoting investors' ability to undertake
adequate risk assessment and generally on ensuring
that the IMF is well adapted to interacting with
the private sector. Developing a stable private sector
presence is, to my mind, the most productive
way to prevent crises and to keep the Fund to its
intended role in the international economy. This
doesn't mean that I am ready to accept as satisfactory
the present regime of our intervention in times
of crisis. Far from it. I urge the membership to
consider more actively our role in times of crisis,
including those extreme situations in which, even
after good faith efforts, default cannot be
avoided. In this situation, I continue to hold the
view, that the international community needs the
right to impose a temporary stay on legal action by
creditors while the debt is resolved. One option
is to agree on amending or interpreting the Fund's
Articles to enable it to perform this role.
Creating optimal conditions for the private sector
leads logically to the second issue, a key
contribution to creating the condition for a
constructive role for the private sector. It is the question
of promoting the liberalization of capital movements.
The founders of the Bretton Woods
Institutions were motivated by their clear perception
that free trade was the key to unlocking the
world's economic potential. How amply their foresight
has been rewarded in the past 50 years!
Capital liberalization is the analogous issue of
today. Few would now dispute the potential benefits
that can flow from liberal capital movements supported
by the appropriate economic policies,
institutions, and financial sector stability. However,
the wide variety of country situations means
that each country needs to prepare its own path to
liberalization, under carefully tailored conditions.
Work is under way in the Fund on proposals that would
allow countries to identify the steps that
individually they need to take, and to define their
own timetable. Here also the reform efforts
should be intensified. 5
Third, the debate on exchange regimes still has a long
way to run. Certainly some preference is
emerging for exchange regimes at one end or the other
of the spectrum--firm pegs or currency
boards at one extreme and free floats at the other. In
practice, today's regimes are not so sharply
polarized and a mixture of regimes will no doubt be
with us for some time. In the long run, I would
suggest that we are gradually evolving toward a world
of fewer currencies. However, the
outstanding example of the birth of the euro, the
culmination of a long journey toward regional
monetary union, suggests that this is a process that
is likely to be measured in decades rather than
months or years. But in the final analysis, the
success of any exchange regime is the reflection of
the success of domestic economic policy. A chain is
only as strong as its weakest link, and any
exchange regime is only as strong as the weakest
element of domestic policy.
* * * * *
These then are a few of the issues currently on the
agenda in the search for a more stable global
economy. But let us imagine a hypothetical situation
in which a meltdown worse than we observed
in 1997 and 1998 were to occur. Would the world be in
a position to respond? And what would the
role of the IMF be? 6
This raises the question of a need for an
international lender of last resort, and whether the IMF can
fulfil that role. Using Walter Bagehot's classic
criteria, a domestic lender of last resort, in the event
of a national systemic crisis, would provide the
system with unlimited amounts of liquidity,
unconditionally, at penalty interest rates, to
borrowers who have good collateral. Of course there
are not convincing reasons to try to establish a
simplistic parallel between the national and
international levels. Nonetheless, the IMF is the
closest that the international financial system has to
a lender of last resort. It is a function that we have
been performing, and adapting, for over 50
years, and it wouldn't hurt to recognize it, to
confirm the Fund in this role and to invite it to
continue to offer the international community this
vital guarantee with enough of a judgmental basis
to avoid any risk of moral hazard.
Our newest lending mechanism, the CCL, a major
departure from traditional IMF lending in several
important respects, is an experimental new step in
that direction, still to be put to its first real test.
In some ways, it loosely approximates three of
Bagehot's four criteria: lending at above-normal
interest rates to countries that have otherwise sound
policies, and with appropriate but limited
conditionality given that countries would prequalify
for the use of resources. But there is clearly a
limit to the fourth criterion. In the crises of
1997-98, when several systemically important countries
simultaneously needed large support, the resources of
the IMF were stretched to the limit. In a
more widespread conflagration, a truly systemic
crisis, what would happen? The IMF's resources,
substantial though they are, could be completely
inadequate. This is not a plea for a massive
increase in the IMF's resources, which I do not
believe to be necessary or desirable.7
Instead there is a role for being able to create
additional liquidity on a temporary basis. How? I
don't see any better way than by making an innovative
use of the SDR, the IMF's reserve
currency. It is not unreasonable to expect that in a
grave crisis the leading countries would
collaborate to inject a proper amount of international
liquidity through a very simple mechanism
which could decisively underpin confidence in the
international system. To this end, the IMF might
be authorized to inject international liquidity--and
to withdraw it when the need had passed--in a
manner analogous to that of a national central bank,
through the creation and selective allocation of
SDRs. The international community has been cautious in
authorizing use of the SDR in the
quarter-century of its existence, in part because of
concerns about its inflationary potential, but the
experience of the past two years reinforces the case
for considering the tremendous potential that
this instrument could have for the stability of the
global economy. It would be sufficient to decide
to put in place a contingency system of allocation, to
be activated only in the event of a systemic
credit crunch. It would be understood that in such
cases all countries would receive allocations, but
that countries not significantly affected by the
crisis, would put their allocation at the disposal of an
administrative account in the Fund to be lent
conditionally to countries facing a severe liquidity
squeeze.
Finally let me turn to the perennial question of the
international monetary system and of the
governance of the IMF, as part of the governance of
the entire international economy. I am
sorry that circumstances have been such that, except
for the remarkable start of the euro, no
significant progress has taken place during the last
20 years in these fields. Of course, I was happy
to contribute to, and placed great hope in, the
attempts in the Plaza and Louvre accords to contribute
to greater stability of the International Monetary
System. History will tell us why these attempts
were only a flash in the pan, even if the G-7, through
the careful phrasing of its communiqus has
since then tried to avoid excessive volatility in the
markets. But this remains a suboptimal solution.
I hope that as soon as the euro has acquired the full
standing and prerogatives of a major reserve
currency, effective cooperation will be established
among major players to provide the world with
the instruments of monetary stabilization it needs, on
the basis of strengthened cooperation to
harmonize macroeconomic policies.
Increasingly, during this period, the issue of
stability of the international monetary and financial
system has been viewed in the context of the broader
issue of world economic governance. This is
not a reference to some kind of world economic
government, but instead to the more limited
ambition of finding a global response to inescapable
global problems. The task is monumental.
Ours is the first generation in history to find itself
in the position of being called upon to influence
global affairs, not from a position of military
conquest or imperial power, but through voluntary
international cooperation. The challenge is to find
mechanisms for managing the international
economy that do not compromise the sovereignty of
national governments, that help the smooth
and effective working of markets that increase
opportunities for the poorest, that ensure
international financial stability but that, also,
offer solutions to problems which now transcend the
boundaries of the nation state. A tall order indeed!
As time is too short for me to elaborate, I would
like to mention just two problems: first, coherence in
international economic decision-making, and
second, political responsibility.
The problem created by a lack of coherence in
decision-making at the world level is exemplified by
the failure, in Seattle, to launch the 2000 round of
trade negotiations. If not corrected promptly
such a situation could lead to major setbacks.
Consider the incoherence between, on one hand, the
bold decision by governments--in the framework of the
Bretton Woods institutions--to reduce by
about one-half the debt of 35 or 40 heavily indebted
poor countries; and, on the other hand, the
failure of those same governments--in the framework of
WTO--to promptly eliminate trade barriers
to the export of these countries. Such a failure would
make a mockery of a decision on debt that is,
otherwise, of historic dimensions.
Equally urgent--with little progress so far--is the
issue of the "political responsibility" of
international institutions. Too often they are
portrayed as unaccountable technocracies. The truth is
that the IMF is responsible and accountable to its
member governments, and that all decisions have
to be approved by the Executive Board of 24 members,
representing 182 countries. Every single
loan--including of course the controversial loans in
Asia and to Russia--has had the support of our
membership, that is to say, of our member governments.
No, the problem is not that we are not accountable,
but that we are not seen to be accountable, and
that some member governments from time to time find it
convenient not to express their public
support for actions they have supported in the
Executive Board. Part of the problem is that member
governments have until recently been reluctant to
publish their agreements with the Fund, and our
Article IV reports on their economies, heightening the
perception that we are not accountable. As
you know, I have strongly supported much greater
transparency for the Fund, and I am extremely
happy as I leave the institution to see how much more
open we have become. Greater openness will
help ensure our legitimacy as well as our
effectiveness in improving the quality of policy debate and
democratic participation in member countries, and at
the same time it will help the international
capital markets become more efficient.
But it is also important to ensure that the IMF is
seen far more visibly to have the legitimate political
support of our shareholders. One reform that I have
recently supported would respond to this
problem. It would entail transforming the IMF's
advisory ministerial committee--until recently
called the Interim Committee, renamed in September
1999 the International Monetary and Financial
Committee--into a decision-making council for the
major strategic orientations of the world
economy. Far from leading to an undue politicization
of the IMF, this would simply in the eyes of
the public, place responsibility squarely where it
already rests. This would help. But governments
remain to be convinced.
Another suggestion, along the lines of an Economic
Security Council, would consist of replacing
the G7 Summit every two years by a meeting of the
heads of state and government of the
countries--approximately 30 at any one time--who have
Executive Directors on the Boards of either
the IMF or the World Bank. This would
provide--particularly after the present review of our quotas
is completed--a fair and legitimate representation of
the entire membership of 182 countries. As it
would be attended by the heads of the two
organizations, the Secretary General of the United
Nations, as well as the heads of the ILO and WTO, it
would offer a way of establishing a clear and
strong link between these institutions and a
representative grouping of world leaders with the
greatest possible legitimacy. Here again, apart from
some sympathetic murmurs of interest, I do not
see distinct signs of movement, but this could be a
useful item together with several other
suggestions for discussions in forthcoming G-7/G-8
summits.
* * * * *
Summing it all up Mr. Chairman,
Boldly adapting IMF surveillance, particularly
of the financial sector;
Actively using instruments for debt and poverty
reduction squarely to address poverty as
the "ultimate systemic threat";
Modernizing its facilities to better serve its
entire membership when acute balance of
payments crisis occur;
Completing our work on the architecture, and,
particularly allowing the Fund to facilitate a
stay in the most severe debt crises and to
avoid disorderly outcomes;
Adopting the needed changes in our articles of
Agreement to facilitate our work in
promoting full freedom of capital movements;
Designing, for contingency use, an appropriate
instrument for the use of the SDR in the
event of a global liquidity crunch;
Engaging in the study of how to maintain the
stability of the international monetary system,
once the euro reaches its full potential as a
major world reserve currency;
Adopting the needed institutional changes to
promote better exercise and perception of the
political accountability of the IMF;
Ensuring permanently that each country feels
properly associated to the decision making
process; and
Conceiving and experimenting with the
structures of coordination to ensure the proper
coherence of decision making at world level.
These ten items for reform must, in my judgement, be
part of any reform agenda of the IMF and
indeed our ongoing experience already suggests several
others. As you have seen these are not
particularly radical, yet they are still proceeding at
a very uneven pace: a few already under
experimentation, several others being heatedly
debated, while others are still regarded as rather
far-fetched or somewhat futuristic. May the world
leaders who once again expressed recently in
Tokyo their interest in reforming the IMF and the
other international financial institutions, may all
our 182 members, remember that the period of calm we
have bought for the world at a high price
may be only too short-lived, and so must also be a
period of intense work toward reform and
strengthening of our institutions. And may all of them
recognize that, in a world of accelerating
history, the future is already with us, calling for a
high sense of responsibility, for bold action, and
for more intense cooperation.
1Safeguarding Prosperity in a Global Financial System:
The Future International Financial Architecture, Report of
an Independent Task Force sponsored by the Council on
Foreign Relations, published by the Institute for
International Economics, New York, 1999.
2In collaboration with relevant national authorities
and the World Bank, the Fund staff has now completed two
rounds of experimental reports on the observance of
standards and codes. Also the Fund and the World Bank have
worked to coordinate support for strengthening
financial systems, and to bring vulnerability assessments more
centrally into the Fund's surveillance process, using
various instruments, including the joint Bank-Fund Financial
Sector Assessment Program.
3To quote Minister Gurria of Mexico.
4David Rockefeller: "Why we need the IMF," the Wall
Street Journal, May 1, 1998.
5The Fund has been considering proposals for a
two-phased approach to liberalizing capital flows. The first phase
envisages that countries would formally declare the
liberalization--subject to transitional arrangements--of payments
associated with capital movements that are already
authorized by a country's existing laws. In the second phase,
which would operate on a purely voluntary basis ,
countries would identify capital transactions that could be
liberalized according to their own timetable.
6This is not a purely theoretical case. I can say
today that we were very close to it in October 1998. Had it not been
for the positive reaction of the markets to the
significant move by the US Federal Reserve Board and other monetary
authorities, the reinforcement of IMF resources, and
the launching of the successful program with Brazil, almost
certainly, we would have been confronted with a major
credit crunch.
7 If quotas were today the same size relative to
global trade as they were in 1945, the resources of the Fund would be
roughly 15 times their present size. And we should
remember that capital flows have grown far more rapidly than
trade.
IMF EXTERNAL RELATIONS
DEPARTMENT
Telephone: 202-623-7300 Fax:
202-623-6278
From rob@essential.org Fri, 4 Feb 2000 05:47:42 -0500 (EST)
Date: Fri, 4 Feb 2000 05:47:42 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] letter to IMF on external evaluation
>From Angela Wood of the Bretton Woods Project:
Dear friends,
As you may know the IMF's trial, ad hoc external evaluation mechanism is
currently being reviewed by the IMF's staff. In the next few weeks the
Executive Board will meet to discuss the report and to decide on how
evaluations will be carried out in the future.
Some NGOs have been calling for an independent unit to be established,
similar to the Bank's Operations Evaluation Department. Whilst many EDs
are reluctant to establish a unit the tide is slowly turning in favour of
this and now is the time to put further pressure on the EDs to agree to
do so. A decision will be taken by the Spring Meetings (mid-April).
At the moment the EDs are still deciding on the process for carrying out
the evaluation of the evaluation mechanism. In the next week or two they
will decide on whether or not to include external comments in the
finalised staff report or whether to finalise the report first and have
it discussed and agreed by the Board before comments are solicited.
Given the poor follow-up to previous "consultations" it will be more
effective if outside comments are included in the actual report as this
will guarantee that the EDs see them. Please write to your ED and ask
them to support this option (see letter below). I would be grateful if
you could share replies with me.
If you would like more information or suggestions for letters etc please
contact me <.
best wishes,
Angela.
Executive Director
IMF
700 19th St NW
Washington DC
12 January 2000
IMF Evaluation
Dear ED,
I am writing regarding the modalities for the review of the trial,
external evaluation process. I am concerned that adequate Board attention
may not be given to the views of those outside the IMF on the
effectiveness of the trial process.
I understand that the IMF Board's Evaluation Committee will meet in the
next two weeks to discuss whether outside comments should be solicited
and included in the staff report or whether the report should be
finalised and approved by the Board before comments are solicited. The
final decision will be taken by the Executive Board. In the interests of
transparency and good governance I urge you to support the former option.
Given that there has been considerable dissatisfaction with the trial
process and that the staff are being asked to review a mechanism which
may affect their own working procedures, I believe it is important that
every effort is made to solicit opinions from a wide-range of
commentators. By including outside comments in the report to the Board
this will ensure that the Executive Directors are aware of a range of
views when discussing the options for a permanent evaluation procedure.
This is particularly important given the poor follow-up by IMF staff
after outside comments were solicited on the External Evaluation of ESAF.
In that case it was not clear whether the Board ever received or
discussed the comments or what action was taken in the light of them.
To ensure the consultation is effective:
the staff should be required to publicise the consultation as
widely as
possible and ensure that the process for contributing comments is
clear;
the draft report should be circulated for comments in advance and
these
should be included in the final report;
It must be clearly specified how comments and recommendations will
feed
into the evaluation process and minutes should be made available of the
Board's discussions;
the final report should be published.
As you know, the Bretton Woods Project supports the establishment of an
independent evaluation unit which reports to the Board, similar to the
World Bank's Operations Evaluation Department. The unit should:
have the capacity to evaluate the effectiveness of IMF programmes
and
operations on a systematic basis, particularly in relation to their
social impacts and programme breakdown;
all reports should be publicly disclosed;
there should be a transparent and participative selection process
for
agreeing the focus and terms of reference of occasional, ad hoc reviews.
The terms of reference of these reviews should be published on the IMF's
website;
a formal process should be established to ensure effective
follow-up
and implementation of the recommendations made.
I would be grateful if you would confirm for me the position you will
take on this matter, and how the Evaluation Committee and Board agree to
proceed.
Yours sincerely,
cc. Gordon Brown, Chair, International Monetary and Finance Committee
Thomas Bernes. Chair, Evaluation Committee
____________________________________________________________
The Bretton Woods Project works on World Bank and IMF issues
with a network of 27 UK non-government organisations.
CONTACT DETAILS:
E-m: awood@gn.apc.org
Postal address: Bretton Woods Project, 35 Lower Marsh, London SE1 7RT
Tel: + 44 (0) 207 523 2117
Fax: + 44 (0) 207 620 0719
www.brettonwoodsproject.org
From rob@essential.org Sat, 5 Feb 2000 06:44:02 -0500 (EST)
Date: Sat, 5 Feb 2000 06:44:02 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] More on the IMF's Poverty Offensive
It is increasingly clear that the IMF's legitimacy and ability to maintain
a role in long-term and concessional financing turns on its efforts to
proclaim itself a poverty-fighting institution. There is no shame.
Note that the following commentary, just posted on the IMF web site, is
from January 13.
Robert Weissman
Essential Information | Internet: rob@essential.org
AFRICA CAN HARNESS GLOBALISATION
A Commentary
By Michel Camdessus
Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund
Business Day (South Africa)
January 13, 2000
Reproduced with permission of Business Day (South Africa)
Economic growth and poverty reduction can accelerate if continent follows
IMF and World Bank prescriptions, writes Michel Camdessus
There is an old African proverb that has become more widely known of late:
it takes a village to raise a child. In the new millennium we could say
that it takes a global village to raise that child up from poverty.
What are Africa's chances of harnessing the benefits of globalisation,
achieving more rapid poverty reduction and faster growth in living
standards? I believe the prospects are good for several reasons:
* Much of Africa has made significant economic progress in recent
years. Real gross domestic product (GDP) growth averaged nearly 4% a year
in the past five years--a clear improvement from the 1980s and early
1990s--with some countries reaching average growth in the 5%-8% range. Per
capita incomes are on the rise and average annual inflation is in single
digits, sharply down from an average of 40% in the first half of the
1990s;
* The world economic environment is improving. The economies
afflicted by the financial crises of recent years are recovering, global
inflation remains low and worldwide growth, which fell to 2.5% in 1998, is
expected to reach at least 3.5% this year; and
* The global village has been listening to Africa's plight and is
ready to act, including through a new approach to poverty reduction
recently adopted by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank.
This amounts to a unique window of opportunity for achieving the faster
poverty reduction and faster growth.
Growth in per capita incomes is still far too slow (it remains negative in
several countries) and the depth and prevalence of poverty remain
unacceptable. We are still a far cry from the Copenhagen Declaration
pledge to reduce by half the proportion of people living in extreme
poverty by 2015.
The proportion of the globe's people living on less than $1 a day is only
just below the 29% estimated in the early 1990s. For economic growth, the
7% that Asia has averaged in recent decades may be a reasonable target for
Africa.
But the faster progress that Africa needs in growth and poverty reduction
will depend on a new partnership between Africa and the international
community.
A large part of what Africa needs to do is familiar. It includes:
* Pursuing sound macroeconomic policies to boost confidence,
investment and growth in the private sector;
* Reforming the financial sector and legal and regulatory frameworks
to remove impediments to efficiency and competitiveness;
* Stepping up trade and exchange liberalisation, and price
liberalisation--including removing biases against agriculture and the
diversification of exports--to open up economies to competition and deepen
their integration into the world economy;
* Giving a decisive boost to regional integration efforts;
* Strengthening public institutions, improving governance and
rooting out corruption; and
* Increasing the efficiency of public spending to free up more
resources for the poor, including cutting military outlays.
There are also some important changes in emphasis in the international
community's new approach to poverty reduction.
One is a greater emphasis on policies that attack poverty directly.
We have long known that sound economic policies promote poverty reduction.
But we are now much more aware that causation also runs in the other
direction. Policies that benefit the poor directly--such as investing in
health, education and rural infrastructure--also boost growth.
How are these insights being translated into actions? First, the new
approach puts poverty reduction at the heart of programmes to be supported
by the IMF and World Bank in the 75 poorest countries. The objectives of
the IMF's concessional lending facility for low-income countries have been
broadened to include poverty reduction. this change, the ESAF has been
renamed the Poverty Reduction and Growth Facility.
To ensure the focus on poverty reduction, the strategy in each country
will be set out in a poverty reduction strategy paper to be drawn up by
the government, with the broad participation of civil society. This will
provide a focused policy agenda, promote government accountability and
foster a national dialogue on economic and social policies.
Moreover, since the paper will form the basis for the financial support of
the IMF, World Bank and eventually other creditors and donors, it should
ensure better coordination of external assistance and more effective use
of debt relief. To further help the heavily indebted poor countries, most
of which are in Africa, the international community recently agreed to
provide deeper and faster debt relief, which is expected to be available
to more countries (perhaps 36 instead of 29).
The external debt burdens of these countries, in aggregate, will be cut by
more than half, reducing their debt to sustainable levels and freeing up
more resources for poverty reduction. More is also being done with
technical assistance and training.
How can the industrial countries help Africa through their own policies?
On the trade front, they should take bolder steps to give exports from the
poorest countries unfettered, tariff-free and guaranteed access to their
markets.
They should boost aid flows from their current low levels, make
medium-term commitments to aid provision, channel help to countries
pursuing the right policies, ensure that debt relief is truly additional
and not financed out of existing aid budgets, and simplify procedures.
They should also bolster their efforts to help Africa bring peace to its
war-torn regions.
A good start would include strongly supporting Africa's efforts to build
peace, resolve and prevent conflicts; exercising restraint in arms sales;
ending the provision of export credits for military purposes; encouraging
reductions in military expenditures to below 1.5% of GDP; and joining
international efforts to counter the smuggling of raw materials and
natural resources to finance armed conflict.
Africa now enjoys a new opportunity to mobilise the international
community behind its growth and development efforts through the new
approach to poverty reduction. Let us join hands in a new partnership--a
partnership in which Africa itself will have to play the pivotal role--so
that history records the dawn of the new millennium as the ushering in of
an African renaissance.
Camdessus is departing IMF Managing Director.
From rob@essential.org Sat, 5 Feb 2000 06:48:01 -0500 (EST)
Date: Sat, 5 Feb 2000 06:48:01 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] IMF $ for Indonesia
This release is on the IMF web site at
http://www.imf.org/external/np/sec/pr/2000/PR0004.htm
For more information, see Indonesia and the IMF
Press Release No. 00/4
February 4, 2000International Monetary Fund
700 19th Street, NW
Washington, D.C. 20431 USA
IMF Approves US$5 Billion Extended Arrangement for Indonesia
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) approved today a three-year, SDR
3.638 billion (about US$5 billion) Extended Fund Facility to support
Indonesia's economic and structural reform program. Of the total, SDR 260
million (about US$349 million) is available immediately, and further
disbursements will be made available on the basis of performance targets
and program reviews in the period ahead.
At the conclusion of discussions by the IMF's Executive Board on
Indonesia's economic and structural program, Stanley Fischer, First Deputy
Managing Director, made the following statement:
"The Indonesian authorities are embarking on a bold and comprehensive
program aimed at restoring growth, entrenching low inflation, reducing the
public debt, phasing out the dependence on exceptional financing, and
normalizing relations with private capital markets.
"The program envisages continuity in monetary and exchange rate policies
that have gained credibility as they have delivered low inflation,
strengthened the rupiah, and facilitated declining interest rates. As
confidence improves, and risk premia fall, there is room for further
declines in interest rates, which remain high in real terms.
"The proposed fiscal deficit of 5 percent of GDP for FY 2000 strikes a
careful balance between supporting the recovery and starting fiscal
consolidation. Equally important are the tax reform measures to help
rebuild Indonesia's tax base over the medium term. The authorities have
also decided to reduce the untargeted fuel and power subsidies on a phased
basis over this period. They are seeking to protect low income households
temporarily from the associated price increases.
"The authorities have fully recognized that fiscal decentralization needs
to be carefully managed to meet the political imperatives while
maintaining fiscal neutrality.
"The reform program gives much greater direction to bank and corporate
restructuring which should be carried forward in a more integrated manner
under the auspices of the newly established Financial Sector Policy
Committee. There is much strengthened emphasis on loan collection and
asset recovery which need to be carried forward forcefully by IBRA. In
this regard, IBRA's independence is imperative. The measures to change the
incentive structure facing noncooperative debtors, together with the
authorities' anti-corruption efforts, should help impart a much needed
momentum to the debt restructuring process.
"The program includes a range of other structural measures. Institution
building and governance are being given high prominence; privatization and
energy sector reforms will help improve efficiency and strengthen public
finances; and improved management of the natural resources will be given
much more importance.
"The Fund, the World Bank, and the AsDB have collaborated closely in the
discussions with the authorities on all the key elements of the program,"
Fischer said.
ANNEX
Background
Much was achieved under the previous extended arrangement (see News Brief
No. 98/31), when Indonesia made significant progress in restoring
macroeconomic stability, dealing with the financial crisis, advancing
structural reforms, and assuring food security. The macroeconomic
achievements included the virtual elimination of inflation, stabilization
of the rupiah, and a recovery in foreign exchange reserves.
Despite these gains, more remains to be done to revive the real economy
and lay the foundation for a sustained recovery that would increase
employment and reduce poverty. These challenges constitute the principal
agenda of the authorities' comprehensive economic program, supported by
the IMF, that aims to accelerate the restructuring of Indonesia's economy
and meet the remaining challenges.
Medium-Term Policy Strategy
Indonesia's Fund-supported three-year program has four main features (see
"Indonesia Letter of Intent, January 20, 2000" at
http://www.imf.org/external/NP/LOI/2000/012000.HTM). First, the program is
designed to make Indonesia's macroeconomic policy mix fully supportive of
recovery while entrenching price stability. Second, the program is
designed to reinvigorate bank, corporate, and other restructuring policies
that are crucial to sustaining an economic recovery and achieving lasting
poverty reduction. Third, Indonesia's program seeks to rebuild key public
institutions which will strengthen the nation's capacity to implement
economic and social policies with popular support, transparency, and good
governance. Fourth, the program is designed to improve natural resource
management, arrest the long-term deterioration in the environment, and
ensure the sustainable use of natural resources for Indonesia's future
generations.
Macroeconomic Policies Under the Program
The macroeconomic framework seeks to restore an annual growth rate in the
vicinity of 5-6% by 2002, with an annual inflation target of below 5%.
Although Indonesia's current account would weaken over the next several
years as investment gathers pace, official financing and improvements in
private capital flows should offset the decline in the current account
surplus. The government debt-to-GDP ratio should decline by 2004 to around
65% from its recent peak of 100%, benefiting from falling interest rates
and asset recoveries by the Indonesian Bank Restructuring Agency (IBRA).
Key to attaining these objectives, however, will be a range of fiscal
policy measures.
In FY 2000, the budget deficit of 5% of GDP seeks to strike a careful
balance between supporting the economic recovery and starting the process
of government debt reduction. While the budget considers gradual reduction
of untargeted subsidies, it also proposes social safety measures to
protect small households from the impact of the lower subsidies. Social
spending will also include strengthening of targeted poverty-alleviation
programs, supporting rice distribution, and providing health, education
and employment services. Civil service wage reforms are envisioned, which
are expected to be accompanied by anti-corruption efforts. Additionally,
fiscal decentralization is to be implemented by June 2001 in a way that it
is consistent with Indonesia's Regional Governance and Fiscal Balance
Laws, and preserves the principle of fiscal neutrality.
Monetary and exchange rate policies are expected to continue to be fully
supportive of the recovery process. The program for 2000 has been
formulated to accommodate the anticipated higher growth, and private
credit is expected to recover as bank and corporate reforms take hold.
Financial and Corporate Restructuring
Banking and corporate sector reforms are at the heart of Indonesia's
economic program, and the government has adopted a bold agenda. The
Financial Sector Policy Committee has been established with the mandate to
provide leadership and direction in banking and corporate restructuring.
The key objectives in bank restructuring efforts are to capitalize all the
banks to 8% CAR by end-2001, as a precondition for eventually replacing
the comprehensive guarantee scheme with a self-financed deposit insurance,
to enhance efforts to restructure state banks, to ensure better governance
and supervision of the banking system and IBRA, to deepen bond and equity
markets, and to reinforce asset recovery efforts by IBRA.
In the corporate sector, the government has developed a bold new strategy
to give fresh momentum to corporate restructuring that will include an
active role for IBRA, and establishes procedures under which the
government may direct non-IBRA-led cases to the Jakarta Initiative Task
Force (JITF), and may refer cases to the Attorney general for the
initiation of bankruptcy proceedings against those debtors who refuse to
negotiate in good faith. Additionally, efforts to institute strong
anti-corruption measures are also being taken.
Other Structural Policies
The new government has reviewed the privatization process, and adopted a
new program for FY2000 driven primarily by efficiency rather than
budgetary considerations. Other structural reforms envisioned by the
government include continuing and accelerating initiatives to improve the
performance of Indonesia's energy sector, improving the domestic business
environment to revive foreign direct investment, designing agriculture
policy measures to maintain food security and promote efficient
production, creating a strategic plan and consultative process to
establish a national forest program that develops transparent and
rules-based procedures for conservation of the remaining natural forests,
and, more generally, improving environmental regulations and natural
resource management over the next three years.
Financing Needs
In addition to the IMF's extended arrangement, the reform program will be
supported by substantial financing from the World Bank, the Asian
Development Bank, and bilateral official contributions, especially Japan.
The Consultative Group for Indonesia, at a meeting in Jakarta during
February 1-2, pledged up to $4.7 billion of support to Indonesia in
addition to IMF financing for FY 2000.
Indonesia joined the IMF on February 21, 1967 and its quota is SDR 2,079.3
million (about US$3 billion). Its outstanding use of IMF financing
currently totals SDR 7.5 billion (about US$10 billion).
Indonesia: Medium-Term Macroeconomic Framework, 1998/99-2002 1/
Estimate
Projections
1998/99
1999/2000
2000
2001
2002
(In percent change)
Output and prices
Real GDP
-14.2
1.8
3 to 4
4 to 5
5 to 6
CPI inflation (average)
64.7
8.5
3 to 4
4 to 5
4 to 5
CPI inflation (end-of-period)
45.4
0.0
5 to 6
4 to 5
4 to 5
(In percent of GDP)
Savings and investment
Gross domestic investment
12.1
13.4
16.3
18.1
19.2
Gross national savings
16.6
16.6
18.1
18.7
19.1
Central government operations
Revenue and grants
15.3
14.5
15.1
15.5
16.0
Expenditure and net lending
17.4
18.3
20.1
19.2
18.6
Of which: interest payments on bank restructuring bonds
0.6
2.2
4.7
4.1
3.6
Overall balance
-2.2
-3.8
-5.0
-3.7
-2.6
Overall balance including arrears
-2.2
-5.0
-5.0
-3.7
-2.6
Domestic financing, of which:
-2.3
3.5
2.4
2.6
2.6
Privatization receipts
0.2
0.8
0.7
0.7
0.8
Recovery of bank assets (cash basis)
0.0
1.5
1.8
1.8
1.7
Foreign financing 2/
4.5
1.5
2.5
1.2
0.1
(End-of-period, in annual percent change)
Money and credit
Credit to the private sector 3/
-2.6
1.9
10.4
...
...
Broad money
33.8
16.0
11.8
...
...
Base money
27.4
9.5
8.3
...
...
(In billions of U.S. dollars)
Balance of payments
Current account balance
4.6
4.8
3.3
1.0
-0.2
(In percent of GDP)
4.4
3.1
1.9
0.5
-0.1
Capital account
-2.0
-4.4
-7.5
-2.1
3.0
Overall balance
2.6
0.4
-4.2
-1.1
2.8
Financing gap
0.0
0.0
4.3
3.4
0.8
(End-of-period, in billions of U.S. dollars)
Debt and reserves
Gross official foreign assets
25.7
27.8
29.2
31.1
33.6
(in months of imports)
6.7
6.5
6.3
6.1
6.0
Liquid reserves
20.3
25.0
26.5
28.4
31.7
(end-of-period, in months of imports)
5.3
5.8
5.7
5.5
5.6
(as percent of short-term debt)
47.1
73.4
89.1
91.5
103.7
Debt service ratio (in percent) 4/
39.1
34.8
29.9
27.3
35.0
Public debt (in percent of GDP)
103.4
96.0
93.4
87.3
79.5
Of which: external
51.0
38.6
38.5
36.8
34.3
Sources: Data provided by the Indonesian authorities; and IMF staff
estimates and projections.
1/ Fiscal years for 1998/99 and 1999/00 (fiscal year starts on April 1)
and calendar years for 2000 to 2002, with the exception of the fiscal
projections for 2000 which are based on the 9-month fiscal year from April
to December.
2/ From 2000 onwards, it includes financing gap.
3/ Adjusted for transfers to IBRA.
4/ In percent of exports of goods and nonfactor services.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
From rob@essential.org Mon, 7 Feb 2000 11:49:04 -0500 (EST)
Date: Mon, 7 Feb 2000 11:49:04 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] Clinton admin seeks more HIPC money
>
> WASHINGTON -(Dow Jones)-U.S. Treasury Secretary Lawrence Summers said
> Tuesdaythat President Bill Clinton will ask Congress for significantly
> greater funding for the so-called Heavily-Indebted Poor Countries project.
>
> Attending a HIPC (debt relief) reception at the Capitol building,
Summers
> announced the administration will make a supplemental request for $210
> million to be added to the $123 million already allocated for debt relief
> in the budget for 2000. "In the upcoming budget request for fiscal 2001,
> we will ask for a further $225million to make good on our commitment to
> HIPC going forward," Summers said.
>
> Of the total sought for 2001, $150 million would be paid into the HIPC
> trust
> fund established by the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank for
> debt relief. The remaining $75 million would be used to forgive debts
> owed directly by poor nations to the U.S. "To underscore our commitment
> to seeing this initiative through, (Clinton) is also requesting $375
> million in fiscal year 2001 in advance appropriations for these two
> elements of HIPC," the Treasury secretary added.
>
> Summers said the White House also wants Congress to allow the IMF to have
> access to all the proceeds earned through the revaluation of about 11
> million ounces of IMF gold. Under an agreement struck last November
> between the White House and Republicans, the IMF is allowed to draw upon
> two-thirds of the proceeds of the gold revaluation, with the remaining
> funds to be freed only after review of the debt relief initiative by
> Congress in May.
>
> Summers said success of the debt relief effort hinges on funding by the
> world's wealthier nations, and that proposed debt forgiveness for Bolivia,
> Guyana, Honduras and Nicaragua "will not happen" if the U.S. doesn't make
> good on its funding commitments.
>
> (Copyright (c) 2000, Dow Jones & Company, Inc.).
>
> Source: DOW JONES INTERNATIONAL NEWS 01/02/2000
>
From rob@essential.org Mon, 7 Feb 2000 12:08:36 -0500 (EST)
Date: Mon, 7 Feb 2000 12:08:36 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] South pushes for voice in IMF succession (fwd)
Feb. 3 2000
Developing states seek more say in IMF
By Janet Guttsman
WASHINGTON: Developing countries are fed up with being bossed around by
their rich partners at the International Monetary Fund and want more say in
who becomes the next head of the institution, a senior IMF official said.
The official, who asked not to be identified, said on Tuesday the 11 IMF
executive board members from developing countries were lobbying their richer
partners to present more than one candidate for the position, which falls
vacant on February 14.
It was the latest in a series of attempts by developing countries to speak
with a single voice at multilateral institutions and at international
gatherings like the 1999 trade talks in Seattle. It could complicate the
rich world's negotiations on who should succeed France's Michel Camdessus.
``Our objective should be finding the best man for the job, regardless of
nationality,'' the IMF official said.
The execitive board is the body formally responsible for appointing a new
managing director to replace Camdessus, who steps down this month after 13
years.
It comprises 24 individuals from imf member countries, most of whom
represent a constituency of countries and 11 of whom have clubbed together
in what they call the G-11. ``We will not accept a situation where a name is
put before the board selected by a sub-group of the membership, presenting
board members with a fait accompli,'' the IMF official said.
``We would like to have more than one name for the board to decide on. We
would like these names to be given in advance so we have an opportunity for
a period of time after the names are announced to consult with our
authorities.''
The post of imf managing director has traditionally gone to a European, just
as an American traditionally heads the World Bank. Germany, arguing that it
is time a German won a top international job, nominated finance ministry
official Caio Koch-Weser -- and Berlin has lobbied for him fiercely.
International resistance to Koch-Weser was fading and developments were
``increasingly positive,'' finance ministry spokesman Torsten Albig said
Tuesday.
Opponents argued the German candidate, who spent 25 years at the World Bank,
did not have the right qualification to head the IMF because he came from a
development institution and not from a monetary one. Koch-Weser, in an
interview on Monday with the International Herald Tribune, rejected charges
he was not big enough for the job. He said his priorities would be to
refocus the IMF on key mandates of surveillance, crisis prevention and
making the IMF the focal point for transparency in international finance.
The IMF official said the developing countries in the executive board had
carefully refrained from commenting on individual candidates for the
high-profile job. He admitted their share of votes would not be enough to
block a Koch-Weser appointment, but hoped it would send a signal. ``Our
voice must be heard,'' he said.
An IMF source said reservations from developing countries appeared to be one
reason why France and the US had been so lukewarm about the German
candidate --the two countries effectively acted as lightning rods to channel
views from the developing world. (Reuters)
From rob@essential.org Wed, 9 Feb 2000 12:29:32 -0500 (EST)
Date: Wed, 9 Feb 2000 12:29:32 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] World Bank, IMF Support Debt Relief for Uganda, Bolivia
World Bank, IMF Support Debt Relief for Uganda, Bolivia
WASHINGTON (Feb. 8) XINHUA via NewsEdge Corporation - The World Bank's
International Development Association (IDA) and the International Monetary
Fund (IMF) agreed Tuesday to support a debt reduction package for Uganda
under the enhanced Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative.
In net present value (NPV) terms, total relief under the enhanced HIPC
Initiative is worth nearly 700 million U.S. dollars, equivalent to 38
percent of Uganda's total NPV debt outstanding at the end-June 1999.
This is expected to translate into debt service relief over time of
about 1.3 billion dollars.
This amount is in addition to the 650 million dollars (347 million dollars
in NPV terms) of relief provided in April 1998 under the original HIPC
Initiative. Total debt service relief under the original and enhanced HIPC
frameworks will yield approximately 2 billion dollars.
On the same day, the IDA and the IMF also agreed to support Bolivia's
eligibility for a debt reduction package under the enhanced HIPC
Initiative.
In NPV terms, total relief under the enhanced HIPC Initiative from all of
Bolivia's creditors would amount to 854 million dollars, equivalent to
around 30 percent of total debt outstanding at the end of 1998. This is
expected to translate into debt service relief over time of close to 1.3
billion dollars.
This amount is in addition to the approximately 760 million dollars (448
million dollars in NPV terms) of relief provided one year ago under the
original HIPC Initiative. In all, the NPV of Bolivia's external public
debt is estimated to be reduced by 35 percent under the original and
enhanced HIPC Initiative, which is on top of 17 percent debt reduction
already provided under traditional debt relief mechanisms.
The HIPC Initiative was launched by the World Bank and the IMF in 1996 as
the first comprehensive effort to eliminate unsustainable debt in the
world's poorest, most heavily indebted countries.
From rob@essential.org Wed, 9 Feb 2000 12:30:39 -0500 (EST)
Date: Wed, 9 Feb 2000 12:30:39 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] Nigeria expects IMF agreement by end-March
[B] Obasanjo says Nigeria expects IMF agreement by end-March
By Agence France-Presse
Paris--Feb 8--Visiting Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo said
Tuesday he expected to strike an accord with the International Monetary
Fund (IMF) concerning economic reforms in Nigeria by the end of March. "
We have virtually concluded an agreement with the IMF," Obasanjo told
reporters after meeting with members of the French business leaders'
organization MEDEF.
Obasanjo, on a 3-day visit to France, is seeking to alleviate his
country's massive foreign debt estimated at $34 billion.
The bulk of the debt is owned to creditor nations of the Paris Club.
Obasanjo's entourage said earlier this week that the United States and
leading European nations had made it clear that an agreement between
Nigeria and the Paris Club was a precondition for fresh support from
the IMF and the World Bank.
The Paris Club, however, indicated Monday that no meetings were
planned during Obsanjo's visit.
An official said that the Paris Club would discuss easing the terms of
Nigeria's debt once the IMF decides on needed economic reforms.
Obasanjo, who is in France to drum up investment, has stressed during
his visit that he would be unable to bring his country out of its
economic slump without outside help.
He met Monday with French counterpart Jacques Chirac and Prime
Minister Lionel Jospin, both of whom assured him of their country's
support.
"France is trying to convince the International Monetary Fund and the
Paris Club of creditor nations that a mutually acceptable solution must
be found," Jospin told Obasanjo.
He and Chirac also paid tribute to Obasanjo for democratizing his
country, embracing market reforms and fighting rampant corruption.
"He has come to symbolize the return to democracy in Africa's most
populous country," Jospin said.
Obasanjo was scheduled Tuesday to meet with various French business
officials. Trade between France and Nigeria stood at 7.7 billion
francs ($1.1 billion dollars) in 1998.
On Wednesday, Obasanjo is to visit the Aerospatiale and Airbus
Industrie plants in Toulouse in southwestern France, from where he will
depart for a one-day visit to Portugal. End
From rob@essential.org Wed, 9 Feb 2000 12:31:49 -0500 (EST)
Date: Wed, 9 Feb 2000 12:31:49 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] Kenya asks for IMF support under new poverty and growth facility
[B] Kenya asks for IMF support under new poverty and growth facility
By Horace Awori, Bridge News
Nairobi--Feb 8--Kenya has asked the International Monetary Fund (IMF)
for support under the Poverty Reduction and Growth Facility, Finance
Minister Chris Okemo announced here Tuesday. The World Bank has been
asked for a program loan for budget support. But, he said, the IMF and
the World Bank both require the country's Poverty Reduction Strategy
Paper (PRSP) before the request can be considered formally.
The paper outlines Kenya's medium-term growth targets, inflation
targets and sector policies, programs, activities and time-scales,
involved in the poverty-reduction initiative.
"We have prepared a preliminary draft interim PRSP which will undergo
intensive discussion within the government over the next 2 weeks. We
have received very useful input from the IMF and the World Bank on
this," said the minister.
A draft of the paper will be discussed with parliamentarians, key
donors, non-governmental organizations, and private sector
organizations before the end of February, the minister said.
Analysts noted that this was at the insistence of the two Bretton
Woods institutions.
"After extensive consultations with stakeholders, we shall revise the
interim PRSP by the end of March," added the minister.
"But the interim paper will be the basis for completing our
discussions with IMF and the World Bank from the end of March/beginning
of April," he said.
He said broad policy priorities in the interim PRSP will be reflected
in the public expenditure plans in the 2002-01 government budget. End
Send comments to Internet address:emerg@bridge.com
Kenya news stories from Bridge News Media://NewsSearch::/Source=mar/
String=Kenya/go/newest/Search Kenya news stories from all vendors
Media://NewsSearch::/String=Kenya/go/Search
From rob@essential.org Wed, 9 Feb 2000 12:32:07 -0500 (EST)
Date: Wed, 9 Feb 2000 12:32:07 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] Camdessus's final DC news conference (fwd)
PRESS CONFERENCE
REMARKS BY
MICHEL CAMDESSUS
IMF Managing Director
Tuesday, February 8,
2000
Washington, D.C.
[TRANSCRIPT PREPARED FROM A TAPE
RECORDING.]
MR. DAWSON: Today is
another one of our regular
press briefings; however, Michel Camdessus, who's the
Managing Director of the Fund for the last 13 years, is
joining us today for his last official press event in
Washington.
As I think you all know, Mr. Camdessus, the seventh and
longest-serving Managing Director of the Fund, will be
leaving us on February 14th. His career has been
distinguished and memorable and he's done much to
promote a more open, transparent and effective Fund. On
behalf of the staff and management of the External
Relations Department, we'd like to thank him for his help
and support in this effort, and of course we wish him well.
I'm sure that the Managing Director now has a few
remarks before we open the floor to questions.
Again, as is standard, when the questioning begins, please identify
yourself and your affiliation, and the briefing is
embargoed until 15 minutes after its conclusion, and we'll set a specific
time when we conclude.
Mr. Managing Director.
MR. CAMDESSUS: Thank you, sir. You see how nice they are, and you see how
nostalgic I can be in leaving this
institution.
But my only purpose this morning is to bid farewell to all of you and to
tell you my thanks for your attitude toward the
Fund, and myself, during my long stay here.
You have been very fair, you have been very professional, and you have
been very courteous, and I tell you that because I
believe that. It's exactly that. I'll give you, immediately, a scoop.
On Tuesday morning, the 15th of February, I will be a nonentity. You will
hear no more about me. So, today, I can really
speak my mind.
This morning, I had a few minutes to think about this occasion, and I was
reviewing what has been my experience with you,
from the first day.
Well, I remember I was a little bit uneasy the first time I came. After
that, you have certainly perceived that I was enjoying
each experience with you, and excited, each time, that I had certainly not
a very tense face in coming to see you. On the
contrary, each time I came with an expectation of some kind of a debate,
some kind of fun, as always, in a debate among
honest people.
At the beginning I was a little bit uneasy, I must confess. First, I had a
terrible problem of language. My English was even
worse than my English now. Those who are recent in their job of covering
the Fund must imagine what it could have been.
So this was a problem. But I saw, rapidly, that asking you how do you put
that in English was a good way of having a few
seconds to think more, and of course all of you have identified that, at
times, it could have been a trick of mine.
If my successor uses the same trick, please show the same forbearance with
him as you had with me when I used that trick.
I had another one. I was split between two things. One, my hereditary
gene--the son of a journalist, who likes the press, has
an understanding of the press and has only positive feelings about the
press and media. I had that in one part of my heart,
and certainly very deep. It was genetic.
But I also had a recent experience of three years as a central banker.
Thirteen years ago, in central banking, the virtue was
not transparency but secrecy, and if you had been a "fly on the wall" of
our secret meetings--central bankers like very much
secret meetings--you would have heard that the challenge among ourselves
was who would be the most secretive of all of us,
and of course there was always somebody who had been more secretive than
you. So I was split between these two things in
my mind. But you convinced me, promptly, that I would have to go back to
my genes, and my inclination to speak as much
as possible, and you have given me, generously, the benefit of the doubt,
and I have tried of course never to abuse it.
Well, now, at the end of this experience, I have a feeling of success, and
another one of failure, and of course I see at the
word "failure" you start taking notes. No? I have observed this
inclination of yours.
[Laughter.]
MR. CAMDESSUS: A sense of success. I believe you will recognize that we
have made this institution distinctly more
transparent. I have been preaching the golden rule of transparency to the
world since the Mexican crisis at least, and we have
tried to give as much as allowed by our membership to make this
institution totally transparent.
We have tried that, and I think further steps are certainly needed, but we
are truly moving in the direction of success and a
positive change in the Fund.
The failure is that in spite of that, we have not been able to change
attitudes toward the image of this institution. There are
still people around the world who can, without provoking an outcry, say
that the IMF kills babies. You have old
demagoguery of the world pretending that we don't serve the common good.
You have vested interests in the world trying to destroy us because of
course they know that we destroy them. You cannot
go and confront the family monopolies in Indonesia, or the chaebols in
Korea, and so on, without, well, provoking some
adverse, negative campaigns.
And of course we suffer a lot. It's possibly the price of a very strong
contribution to the international common good, and of
course there are crosses you are proud to carry from time to time on your
shoulders, because it is the price of the common
good.
But, indeed, we will have to continue working hard to explain that what is
being done here, together with the efforts of our
friends at the World Bank, to explain that all these necessarily tough
programs serve a common good.
And if we see today--and of course I am happy to leave in such a
context--the world economy exceeding all forecasts for
growth in an extremely widespread way, be it in Asia, be it in Latin
America, be it in Africa, be it in former Soviet Union,
and be it in Eastern Europe, it is, I presume the effect of our efforts
and of the actions of the very valiant, courageous,
professional staff of this institution, and I am proud to say that.
Well, this institution is challenged every day, and it must be. This is
why I attach such importance to maintaining with all of
you a tradition of mutual trust. You have been very generous in giving me
your trust. I thank you for that.
Now, in terms of media, I am very happy to leave the Fund, not only at a
time that the world situation is good, but at a time
when there is not so much talk about the Fund around the world--be it in
Asia, where we were so bitterly criticized, be it in
Latin America, or be it even in Africa. This, to me, is a confirmation of
what my eminent friend, Stan Fisher, used to say,
and he has already told you that, I presume--namely, that when you have a
crisis, and when difficult measures are
announced, these are the IMF's policies.
But when success starts emerging, and developing, and the skies are better
and more sunny, then the policies are the policies
of the country, and you don't hear any more about the IMF.
It's what we call our ultimate objective, which is ownership. The
countries then own their policies and their success, and we
are happy to see that, and people forget about us.
This being said, I don't forget 100 percent, and I must tell you that I
had two extremely rewarding occasions this last month.
One was the Libreville meeting with 20 African heads of state, and 45
countries, in reality, at the highest level, meeting about
how to do the best out of the new set of instruments we have put in place
for debt reduction and growth in the poorest
countries. It was their meeting, and you heard about the Libreville
declaration, which was their declaration. I urge you to
reread it and to compare it with what the Ministers of Finance of Latin
America have said in Cancun. There, also, it was
"their communiqu," not the communiqu of the Interim Committee or of the
Executive Board of the Fund. Read that, and
you will see that there is a silent revolution going on in the world.
That what we have tried to promote is a kind of second generation of
reform based on stronger institutions, better
governance, fights against corruption, more transparency, economic policy
focused on poverty alleviation, and the reduction
of inequalities around the world. All of that is starting to take shape
and it's owned by these countries.
Three years ago, you wouldn't have had many African heads of state
launching a powerful fight against corruption. Now
they do that together. Now Latin American countries join forces, including
with the Caribbean countries, to fight corruption
and money laundering, and promote good governance. All of that I think is
good and positive for the world.
But of course industrial countries and our institutions must play their
part, corresponding to the effort of these developing
countries, and I'm happy, today, to leave you the very day when I am able
to tell you the three first cases of implementation
of HIPC No. 2--Uganda, Bolivia, and Mauritania--have just been decided by
our Executive Board.
It's not the end of the fight, and a lot, for 15 years, at least, will
have to be done, for this difference to be discernable by the
man in the street, possibly, and I say 15 years, because this is 2015, and
you know my fight, together with all my colleagues
of the Fund, for at least having the world delivering on its pledges. We
shouldn't allow the world to be cynical about the
pledges of the big UN conferences of the last 10 years.
We must have extreme poverty reduced by half by the year 2015. You have,
all of you, in your book these seven pledges.
Let's go for that. It is possible. We have committed that. If we don't
respect them, we will have a really big threat to the very
fabric of international cooperation and the conditions for the world.
But I believe it is still feasible. I will go with this message next
Sunday to Bangkok, where I will have to speak for a last
time to the UN family of institutions and members on the occasion of
UNCTAD X. There is, indeed, the possibility of doing
that, and in doing that, enacting all of these pledges, you can trigger a
new dynamism in the world, and this new paradigm of
development we have tried to develop during all this last year.
How to make the fight against poverty and inequality in the world serving
more high-quality growth in these countries. This
is a fight of every day. You will have always against these strategies all
the demagogues of the world, all the arms traders in
the world, all the populist, charismatic leaders of the world, but our
institutions must go that way, knowing that at the end of
the day, it is for them the only way in delivering on their purposes.
So I am going for a big sermon, finally. Thank you very much.
A QUESTIONER: I was interested in your response to a letter that you may
have seen by now, it went out to members of the
formerly Interim Committee and of the International Finance and Monetary
Committee as well as Executive Directors of the
IMF. It called on the IMF to have a more open and transparent process for
choosing a new Managing Director, and one of
the points they made is that they believe that the Executive Board
decisions should have recorded votes, both for the selection
of the next Managing Director, and going forward in all votes.
MR. CAMDESSUS: I have not seen the letter you are talking about, but I
hope that the next IMFC will want to review this,
to my judgment, too-protective process of selection of a Managing
Director, and, well, draw appropriate lessons from that.
But you will certainly understand that as we are now at a critical moment
of this process, it wouldn't be proper for me, even
if I have very precise ideas about that, to make the process even more
complicated, by introducing my personal views in this
discussion. You know pretty well that the MD of the Fund has very broad
prerogative and powers in selecting all the staff of
the Fund, and I have done that to the best of my ability. But the only
person he does not appoint is his successor. So on that,
I must remain discrete.
A QUESTIONER: Can you address the idea of recorded votes by the Executive
Board?
MR. CAMDESSUS: No, I will not comment on that for obvious reasons.
A QUESTIONER: Seattle seemed to bring home to a lot of people, if remarks
at the Davos conference are any indication, the
fact that there is a lot more attention being paid to the global
institutions--such as the WTO and, now, some of the protest
groups are thinking of the meetings in April of the IMF. What should the
IMF do, in a proactive sense, to get its message
across, that it is doing the right thing, or what it considers to be the
right thing? Is it actually doing that? Is it thinking ahead
to these sort of concerns? Is it taking any heed out of what happened in
Seattle?
MR. CAMDESSUS: Thank you very much. First of all, what the IMF must do
every day is more transparency and I would
like to express my thanks to the External Relations Department, which
during the past 13 years, has done with the modest
means put at its disposal by our budget, done everything it could to do
the job and to communicate and disseminate the
realities of the Fund. I wouldn't say the messages of the Fund. The
realities of the Fund.
And I must, in particular, pay tribute to what Tom Dawson has done in the
few months since he has been here. I don't need
to tell you that. You have perceived a remarkable new impulse given, and I
am immensely grateful to him for having
presided over that.
Now we will never have the means to match, dollar by dollar, if I may say
so, all the campaigns around, which are not, all
of them, as you know, those of generous, disinterested, idealistic NGOs.
Behind many clamors, there are also vested
interests, and we shouldn't be naive about that.
It's part of life. It's our universe. It must be known. But we should take
seriously what Seattle told us, and you will do me
this justice to recognize that I have not waited for Seattle to tell us
that the world, the people of the world, want to see the
Fund seen as more accountable.
You remember that for years, I have been pressing, for instance, the
Interim Committee at that time, to establish the so-called
council for the responsibility to be seen where effectively it is. We are
accountable. We are accountable to 182 countries of
the world, and they take every day, interestingly enough, frequently by
consensus, all the decisions of this institution.
But it happens that, well, because it's difficult and because politicians
are politicians, they don't always take responsibility
for what is being done here. I cannot ask them to stand up and to say how
great the IMF is, when the IMF is fighting the
monopolies in Indonesia or the chaebols in Korea, and trying to promote
more openness, a level playing field in countries
which, for so long, have developed an incestuous relationship between
government, banks, and enterprises.
This is life. Nevertheless, we must continue pressing for that. I do
believe that Seattle tells us something about the need for
establishing clearer rules of the game, on where are the responsibilities
for the economic governance of the world. You have
read my speeches, you know what I think about that. I think if the world
were to go in that direction, not instantly, but,
nevertheless, then things would be clearer. We will always have the
extremely difficult problem of listening, and taking in
proper consideration--in our process of reflection and decision
making--both the views of governments that are sitting on our
boards, and the elected bodies behind them, and the views of the civil
society.
It's an extremely complicated thing. We shouldn't allow the demonstrators
in the street to intimidate those who are
democratically elected and responsible to their people, but, nevertheless,
we must be very sensitive and attentive to what all
these NGOs, academia, and all those tell us, because there you have
certainly questions for the future to take seriously into
consideration, and I believe the world must find a response to this
extremely difficult, underlying, reconciliation problem.
This being said, we shouldn't be naive, and when talking about Seattle, I
must say that I spoke only three minutes in Seattle,
but said something very simple. That to paralyze the body which has just
been created to introduce a little bit more fairness
and regulation in the international trade, to paralyze it, or to kill it,
just five years after its creation--it's certainly not the good
response.
Second, to paralyze it to the extent of not allowing an immediate decision
on opening the major industrial countries' markets
to the products of the poorest countries, a decision which we pressed for
having in the agenda of Seattle, is totally
inconsistent with the decision we have taken a few months before, to
reduce the debt of the poorest.
It's a mockery of the reduction of the debt, to simultaneously not to take
the decision on the trade domain, because it is the
opening of the trade which finally will make the difference, if they can't
sell their products.
So you have this contradiction there. These things must be handled. I hope
that Bangkok, in the near future, plus the good
sense of the people around the world, will allow us to overcome this
problem. I trust that the WTO will be able to restart the
millennium round, soon. It is necessary. But there is also a contradiction
in trying to promote good governance and growth
in Africa, and not acting more efficiently to promote peace in Africa.
Development and peace are the two faces of the same coin. You cannot have
the one without the other. Peace is the other
name of development in the same way as development is the other name of
peace. We must go for that.
A QUESTIONER: Secretary Summers, a month ago or so, proposed some rather
fundamental changes in how the Fund
might operate, and as you know he is not the only one who's proposing
that. Can you tell us where you stand on that at the
end of your tenure here?
MR. CAMDESSUS: As you said, Secretary Summers made very interesting
proposals. He is not the only one, and I
thought, at the very end of my stay here, that I had also to say what I
see as indispensable to do, and you have probably
observed that I coincide, in many respects, with the views, offered by
Secretary Summers.
There are things I perceive differently, because he is in charge of the
Treasury of a country, the most important country of
the world, by its wealth, and a shareholder of the Fund; but here, my
perception is one of 182 countries together, with a
need of optimizing the synergies among them. So the angles are different,
and all of that must be thought out and taken into
consideration.
My views are now there. I have expressed them at least on two occasions,
recently. In the last week in front of the Council
of Foreign Relations in New York. Later in the week, in a speech, a little
bit more philosophical, at Georgetown University.
I know that in putting my views so clearly, I have defined for my
successor the labors of Hercules--no? But you will
observe that I put only ten Herculean tasks on his shoulder, while,
normally, I should have put twelve.
I want you, and all of us in the world to define the two which are
missing. I have a few ideas about that.
A QUESTIONER: Please allow me to ask a rather parochial question. You have
been a kind of symbolic figure to the
Korean people during these years, and Korea's sudden collapse, and sudden
resurgence. Korea is now experiencing rapid
growth and rapid recovery, the stock market is booming, and many people
are now saying that Korea actually [inaudible]
from the IMF. But I wonder whether the Korean crisis is really over and if
now is the time to forget about the IMF. So I'd
like to know the terminology of "graduation." Is there that kind of
terminology in the IMF?
MR. CAMDESSUS: It's an academic term, as you know, and this is not
academia. I will tell you a few things. First of all, I
am delighted for the Korean people, to see what I see in Korea, and this
is due, let me put that on record, in some part,
perhaps, to the good perception by the staff of the IMF and its Executive
Board, of what were the problems and where action
had to be put, urgently.
But it is chiefly due to the courage, the sense of sacrifice, of the
people of Korea, and to the leadership of President Kim Dae
Jung, and his government. You were fortunate, in Korea, to have such a man
to take the helm just at that very moment.
History will remember that.
Now, yes, the resurgence is there, with stability, and all the prospects
for higher quality growth in Korea. This being said,
the effort in economic life is never over. Economies change. Environments
change. Always vigilance is in order.
I believe that Korea can forget about the IMF. I believe you can forget
about the IMF. But please, don't forget the policies
you have adopted, the reforms you have launched. There are still things to
do, particularly for corporate restructuring, for
consolidating the financial sector, for maintaining the proper budgetary
and financial discipline, for continuing, strengthening
your social policies.
But knowing President Kim Dae Jung, knowing your government, knowing the
good sense of the Korean people, I have no
doubt that these things will be well-taken and the effort maintained.
This is my definition of graduating. Graduation of a country, a country
renouncing IMF financing at the end of the program,
is for the IMF the most splendid victory. Normally, at the end of a
program we expect countries to graduate. In general, they
ask us to stay a little bit more because they are intimidated by the risk
of the world, because they feel, they perceive their
remaining weaknesses, and then, from time to time, frequently, we accept
to prolong the programs or to go for another
program. But when a country asks us to graduate, we say hallelujah, and we
are delighted, a little bit, with the traditional
discretion of the IMF to cry victory with the country, provided graduation
is about forgetting the IMF, but not forgetting its
policies.
MR. CAMDESSUS: And of course what I say about Korea will apply soon, I
presume, to Thailand, and I will cry the same
hallelujah that very day, and I hope it will apply to many other
countries, and we will be able to develop, as suggested, in
some way, by Secretary Summers--I say that in passing--a kind of
relationship which is basic in the structure of the IMF,
namely, a relationship based on continuous, mutually trustful dialogue on
the policies, on the environment, on what should
be done, without necessarily implying IMF resources, disbursements.
A QUESTIONER: I'd like to ask you something about the Japanese economy
because of the [inaudible] policy and a series
of fiscal stimulants [inaudible] Japanese economy has just begun
improving. Do you have any advice to the Japanese
government to make sure [inaudible] recovery?
MR. CAMDESSUS: As Mr. Dawson asked you at the beginning of our meeting, I
am not coming here for the world
economic outlook. I am here for bidding farewell and reflecting a little
bit on my experience with all of you. I have answered
this issue in Tokyo, recently, after the G7 meeting, and you can imagine,
two weeks after I have not changed my mind.
Thank you.
A QUESTIONER: The relations between the IMF and Russia in the last decade
were very dramatic. There were a lot of ups
and downs, bombs and hurdles on the road, and as we see the results are
not too positive.
MR. CAMDESSUS: Are not too positive?
A QUESTIONER: Not too positive.
MR. CAMDESSUS: Are they that negative?
A QUESTIONER: Yes, I think that, in general, they are more negative than
positive. What are the main lessons for the IMF
and for Russia over these relations during your tenure? And do you think
that there were any mistakes on the side of the IMF
in dealing with Russia during this period, and what are the main mistakes
you think there were? Thank you.
MR. CAMDESSUS: Well, let me tell you that it showed that the glass is, at
most, half full. The first obvious lesson is that
when you try to help a country out of 70 years of a Marxist-Leninist
regime, under all its guises, including the decrepitude of
the Brezhnevian era, you are not in a business as usual operation. If I
regret something, it's possibly to have shared,
somewhat, the illusion of everybody in the world, including Russia, that
this could be done rapidly. Possibly it could have
been done rapidly if everybody had felt as mobilized for change as the IMF
was. If everybody had taken as many risks for
change in Russia as we did. But this was not the case.
We were frustrated, many times, by half-hearted implementation of the
agreed programs of the Russian authorities. We were
disappointed by the lack of support, of sufficient support by the state
Duma for these policies. By the delays in adopting the
indispensable legislation for establishing a level playing field. Was that
a reason for us to say [foreign phrase], to say, well,
they don't deliver, let them go their way.
MR. DAWSON: The translation is "Enough already."
[Laughter.]
MR. CAMDESSUS: No, the role of this institution is to continue working,
and working hard, whatever the frustration, to
create the conditions, one way or another, of a resurgence, of a
renaissance, and I feel proud to have done that.
Of course you will have the impression that it is not that much of a
change. But Russia is a country where the democratic
rules for elections of a president are not challenged.
Russia is a country where the basic principles of a market economy are not
challenged, and where the government now, and
all political forces now recognize that the only route for the future is
reform, further integration in the world economy.
That by continued support, well, with discontinuities in many occasions as
you know, and at this time, still, we are in a
episode of discontinuity in the financing, but not in the dialogue. But I
believe the price we have paid, this price of continued
support, and, at times, the blame for supporting you is a little price
compared to what is achieved. After all, your country
needs democracy, your country needs a market economy, your country needs a
conception of the economy with demand at
the center. This is the thing to which you have given some chances.
So I wait with great tranquility the judgment of history, which must come
in due time, and I will remind you of my favorite
quote of Chou En-lai. You know that, the comment of Chou En-lai about the
French Revolution, a little bit before he passed
away, saying, well, 200 years after the French Revolution, it is possibly
a little bit premature to pass a final judgment on it.
MR. DAWSON: One last question.
A QUESTIONER: If you'll permit me, Mr. Camdessus, I would like to return,
very briefly, to the world economic outlook,
because last week, in Cancun, you were very upbeat in saying the Fund is
revising its forecast up, and, today, also, you said
the world is doing better. How concerned are you that a wild card factor
such as the oil price, the rise in the oil price, could
derail this scenario, because it's been going up, inexorably. It's got to
be inflationary, globally. Are you concerned about it?
Do you think something should be done?
MR. CAMDESSUS: Well, I can tell you that this is one of the question marks
of this very moment--no doubt. I am
comforted when I see the future markets' pricing, what I see the consensus
of all market specialists about the evolutions
which are most probable for the future. Nevertheless, no one can be sure,
and this is why, on one side, I understand, and
approve the prudence of the central banks in the world, which wanted to
take any necessary step to keep inflation in check,
and on the other side, I salute the efforts of many oil-producing
countries in the world--not all--but several of them, who are
taking steps to diversify their economies, and to be in a better shape the
day when the price of oil could go down again.
And here, I can tell you that we have engaged in a regional dialogue with
the Gulf oil-producing countries for some time, and
I am delighted to see that all of them go to a medium-term strategy,
trying to protect themselves against new misfortunes in
that market. So we must prepare for the two alternatives and then the
world could avoid major problems in the future.
MR. DAWSON: Thank you very much. If I could just make one brief
announcement. For those of you who may have
missed anything or would like to see this again, in keeping with new
technology the press conference will be transmitted on
our Web site, Webcast on our Web site at about 3:30 or so this afternoon,
and if any of you don't know how to reach our
Web site, we have our standard advertisement for the Web site back here.
The embargo will be lifted at 11:15. Thank you
very much.
[End of Press Conference.]
- - -
From rob@essential.org Wed, 9 Feb 2000 15:06:51 -0500 (EST)
Date: Wed, 9 Feb 2000 15:06:51 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] IMF brought poverty to Zambia
Zambia
IMF reforms have brought poverty, says Chiluba
The Post of Zambia (Lusaka) February 9, 2000 By Bivan Saluseki
Lusaka - President Frederick Chiluba yesterday blamed the International
Monetary Fund (IMF) for the current economicproblems Zambia was facing.
Receiving credentials from Nigerian Ambassador to Zambia Ibironke Vaughan-
Adefope, President Chiluba said thereforms that IMF asked Zambia to
undertake have instead brought unemployment and a rise in poverty levels.
He said the Western countries told Zambia "to do certain things" which have
instead brought problems.
President Chiluba said the countrys privatising of almost 90 per cent of
the formal sector over the past seven years, hasbrought a lot of problems.
He cited the loss of jobs and rising poverty among Zambians as the effects
of reforms that Zambia was currentlyundertaking.
"Then we are told, no, no, no, Africa needs to embrace the spirit of
partnership with NGOs but the NGO where I comefrom, ZCTU also wants
increased wages. And then IMF says do not give them, we do not know which
way to go,"President Chiluba said. "The problem we have in Africa is that
we are rushing reforms as if that is the only panacea tothe problems."
President Chiluba said if reforms were rushed and not understood by the
people, they may not help the people at all.
He also welcomed opposition UNIPs plan to petition the ruling MMDs
unopposed victory in the Mfuwe by-electionsas such plans were normal among
politicians.
He said politics just like football was a game of winning and loosing
citing an example of the game Zambia playedagainst Senegal.
Ambassador Vaughan-Adefope thanked President Chiluba for the role he has
played in mediating among the belligerentsin the Democratic Republic of
Congo (DRC).
"To advance the peace process, Nigeria has gladly contributed troops to the
Joint Military Commission (JMC)established by the Lusaka Ceasefire
Agreement to supervise the disarmament of all belligerent troops and ensure
ade-escalation of all armed conflict," she said.
And new Malawi ambassador Gamaliel Petro Bandawe, who also presented his
credentials yesterday, said hisgovernment would conclude the Malawi/Zambia
Joint Permanent Commission on Defence and Security including theMalawi
/Zambia Bilateral Trade Agreement among others.
Bandawe disclosed that Malawi has also sent military personnel to be part
of the observer team in that country.
Copyright (c) 2000 Post of Zambia. Distributed via Africa News Online
(www.africanews.org). For informationabout the content or for permission to
redistribute, publish or use for broadcast, contact the publisher.
From rob@essential.org Thu, 10 Feb 2000 13:19:43 -0500 (EST)
Date: Thu, 10 Feb 2000 13:19:43 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] FW: ECONOMY: Parting Shots from an Impending Non-Entity (fwd)
If you weren't up for reading Camdessus's parting remarks, you may prefer
this amusing and informative account from Abid Aslam:
Copyright 2000, Inter Press Service
ECONOMY: Parting Shots from an Impending Non-Entity
By Abid Aslam
WASHINGTON, Feb 9 (IPS) - Michel Camdessus, outgoing chief of the
International Monetary Fund (IMF), says he looks forward to obscurity - but
not before firing some parting shots at critics.
"I will be a non-entity. You will hear no more about me," Camdessus says,
reflecting on his resignation Feb. 15, after 13 years as IMF managing
director. Meanwhile, "I can really speak my mind."
So what's on the mind of the man who, for many, has come to embody an
international campaign to reshape the Third World and former Soviet bloc in
the image of a free-market West - and whose agency's name has become
synonymous with austerity?
Three things: Vested interests, which he sees behind mass uprisings
against the IMF's bitter medicine in East Asia; politicians who, as
representatives of the Fund's 182 shareholder nations, have shirked
responsibility for their own decisions; and the coalition of grassroots
groups who, year after year, have assembled outside IMF headquarters here
to call for the institution's abolition.
"There are still people around the world who can, without provoking an
outcry, say that the IMF kills babies," Camdessus laments. In his view,
these protestors represent "the old demagoguery of the world pretending
that we don't serve the common good."
The IMF chief is equally dismissive of Asians who - as the financial
crises of 1997-98 unfolded and pushed millions of workers out of their jobs
- protested austerity measures and long-term restructuring required in
exchange for international bail-outs assembled and supervised by the Fund.
"You have vested interests in the world trying to destroy us because, of
course, they know that we destroy them. You cannot go and confront the
family monopolies in Indonesia, or the chaebols (conglomerates) in Korea,
and so on, without, well, provoking some adverse, negative campaigns," he
says.
Making matters worse for Camdessus, the agency has been left to take the
heat for its most unpopular actions.
Yet, he asserts, "we are accountable to 182 countries of the world and
they take, every day...all the decisions of this institution. But it
happens that, well, because it's difficult and because politicians are
politicians, they don't always take responsibility for what is being done
here."
Camdessus, who opted late last year to cut short a term that would have
ended in 2002, leaves his successor to deal with the fall-out of
investigations into the misuse of international funds by Russian
authorities and commercial oligarchs.
The next IMF chief also will have to settle running debates between
members and staffers who support the Fund's current drift toward
development-oriented goals and those who want the agency to return to its
original, more narrowly monetary, mandate.
First Deputy Managing Director Stanley Fischer will take over as acting
chief until the international community can agree on a successor. The
appointment process has been fraught with political tension and has been
assailed by Third World countries, international aid agencies and
non-governmental organisations (NGOs) alike as too secretive and
undemocratic.
"It is disgraceful that the millions of people living daily under IMF
influence have absolutely no opportunity to engage in the process of
choosing the managing director," says an open letter from dozens of groups
worldwide.
Borrowing countries need a greater say in the appointment, the NGOs
reason, because these countries have little say in the Fund's executive
board, which presides over day-to-day operational decisions.
Traditionally, the IMF is headed by a European while its Bretton Woods
sibling, the World Bank, is led by a U.S. citizen. German Chancellor
Gerhard Schroder is lobbying heavily for Caio Koch-Weser, a deputy finance
minister. The German leader reportedly telephoned U.S. President Bill
Clinton late last month to say he felt that winning the IMF post was vital
for relations between their countries.
Camdessus joined the IMF in January 1987, having headed the French
Treasury and Bank of France and having presided over meetings of the Paris
Club of bilateral creditors.
His performance in steering debt reschedulings led some developing
countries to support his appointment, but he has since drawn fire for the
determination with which he has insisted that poor countries liberalise
their markets and financial systems.
This approach has been seen as being in lockstep with the U.S. Treasury
and, overseas, the Fund increasingly has been considered as a favoured tool
of U.S. policy.
Yet, the agency and its leader also have grown unpopular here among
lawmakers, who have missed no opportunity to snipe at the IMF whenever the
U.S. administration has asked them to approve more money for it.
Eventually, they have capitulated on almost every occasion.
Right-wingers have denounced Camdessus as a socialist while left-wingers
have excoriated him as a capitalist. Nationalists here argue the Fund
wastes U.S. money and fails to promote U.S. values abroad - even as
internationalists decry the heavy hand with which the agency restructures
the rest of the world in the U.S. image.
Free-marketeers want the IMF to stop bailing out private investors and let
them feel the pain of unwise moves rather than encourage moral hazards and
repeated mistakes. Populists agree, arguing that public funds have been
used to rescue private gamblers.
Abolitionists demand that the agency be scrubbed. Reformers see-saw,
alternately wanting the Fund to abandon long-term economic policy-making -
especially through structural adjustment programmes - and asking it to be
guided by the tenets of poverty reduction and sustainable development when
establishing programmes in borrowing countries.
Everyone seems to agree the agency has been too secretive.
"We have made this institution distinctly more transparent," Camdessus
insists. "We have tried to give as much as allowed by our membership to
make this institution totally transparent."
Camdessus's departure long has been rumoured amid growing criticism of the
Fund's handling of financial crises which began in Thailand in mid-1997.
The IMF assembled international emergency loans of more than 100 billion
dollars to stop the trouble, only to watch 40 percent of the global economy
get pushed into recession.
The Fund is upgrading its current projections of global economic growth,
however, and the prospect of sustained recovery reminds Camdessus of a view
long expressed by his deputy and interim successor, Fischer.
As Camdessus puts it: "When you have a crisis, and when difficult measures
are announced, these are (seen as) the IMF's policies. But when success
starts emerging...and the skies are better and more sunny, then the
policies are the policies of the country and you don't hear any more about
the IMF."
No hard feelings, though. "It's what we call our ultimate objective, which
is ownership. The countries then own their policies and their success, and
we are happy to see that, and people forget about us," he says.
(END/IPS/12/EF/aa/ks/00)
From rob@essential.org Thu, 10 Feb 2000 13:31:23 -0500 (EST)
Date: Thu, 10 Feb 2000 13:31:23 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] New Christian Aid report on debt and healthcare
To see the full report, go to
http://www.christian-aid.org.uk/f_reports.htm
Millennium lottery
Who lives, who dies in an age of Third World debt?
Executive summary
All over the world, children's chances of surviving infancy
have been steadily improving during our century. As the new
millennium dawns, a baby born in Britain will be able to look
forward to a rosy future. A boy is likely to live to 74, a girl to 79.
Yet in Africa, millions will fail to make it into adulthood.
More than 130,000 children die there every week. In Mali a child has
a one in seven chance of dying before its first birthday. In
the UK it is a mere 1 in 167.0.1
Meanwhile each of us in Britain spends more each year (around
140) on toiletries, medicines and medical costs, including
prescriptions and spectacles, than the per capita Gross
National Product of countries like Mozambique, Ethiopia and
Tanzania.0.2
Why is survival for poor people in Africa getting harder? One
clearly identifiable - and solvable -cause is the huge amount of
money poor countries are having to pay rich governments and
international institutions in debt repayments. The only way
most of these countries can pay these sums is to resort to
taking the money from their people - by cutting essential
services like health and education. The West, led by the
World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), is
manifestly letting the people of Africa down.
But as the millennium ends, there are signs of hope. 1999 has
seen major steps forward in tackling these debts. Both the
G8 nations at the summit in Cologne and the IMF at its
meeting in Washington seem, on paper at least, to have shifted their
thinking. They made promises which could save thousands of
lives.
Promises have been made before. The president of the World
Bank told its governors that he wanted to provide
assistance where it would contribute most to 'removing the
roadblocks to development'. That was Robert McNamara in
1969.
Thirty years on, the hindrances to development are as serious
as ever, and fears about the lack of progress are growing. In
a letter to Gerhard Schrder, the German chancellor, last
June, Chief Emeka Anyaoku, the secretary general of the
Commonwealth, said: 'In my travels to various countries,
particularly the poorest, I notice a sense of desperation on the part
of a number of highly indebted countries about the lack of
tangible progress in easing their debt burden.'
This report looks at just one issue - health in Africa and,
in particular, child health - as a microcosm of the problem. We show
the devastating effect of years of impoverishment and the
enormous difficulties the poorest countries face in providing
even the most basic of services. Some spend as little as 3 a
head on health per year.0.3 In the US, health spending per
capita is 2,200.
The state of child health depends on many factors - including
access to clean water, sanitation and education. But if you
are a small child and there is no clinic or hospital
available when you fall ill with easily curable symptoms like diarrhoea,
the
chances you will die are very real. This report points to
health services as the sine qua non of survival in Africa.
Some countries pay more on servicing old foreign debts than
on education, health and the whole social sector combined.
This is clearly madness. In the words of Professor Venkatesh
Seshamani, a leading Zambian economist: 'You cannot have
both debt and development - they are antithetical.'
The leaders of the G8 nations, the most powerful countries on
earth, have finally begun to acknowledge this. In response
to public pressure, spearheaded by the campaign by Christian
Aid and other members of the Jubilee 2000 coalition, they
have promised to help.
Jubilee 2000 is calling for a one-off cancellation of debt as
a celebration of the millennium. That means this year. Joint -
multilateral - decisions may have to wait until the G8 summit
in Japan in July. But there is much that could be done before
then.
The new millennium must begin with new hope. Christian Aid
calls upon the British government to unilaterally cancel
British debts as a New Year's gift to the poorest peoples of
the world.
References
0.1 UNDP, Human Development Report 1999.
0.2 Office for National Statistics.
0.3 World Bank 1999, D. Peters et al. 'Health expenditure,
services and outcomes in Africa 1990-96'.
Contents
Please note that the report is around 122KB in size and will
take a few seconds to load.
Chapter 1: It's a rich man's world
Chapter 2: The language of change
Chapter 3: The international response...
Chapter 4: The economics of poverty
Chapter 5: Suffer the little children
Chapter 6: Born on the millennium
Chapter 7: Why should they have to pay?
Chapter 8: Moving to a solution
Chapter 9: An action plan
Appendices
References
From rob@essential.org Fri, 11 Feb 2000 11:01:49 -0500 (EST)
Date: Fri, 11 Feb 2000 11:01:49 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] Mauritania gets HIPC relief (but not relief from HIPC)
Press Release No. 00/9
February 10, 2000
International Monetary Fund
700 19th Street, NW
Washington, D.C. 20431 USA
Mauritania Qualifies for US$1.1 Billion Debt Relief Under HIPC to
Support Poverty
Reduction
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank's International
Development Association (IDA) have agreed to
support Mauritania's eligibility for a debt reduction package under the
enhanced Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC)
initiative. To address fully Mauritania's external debt burden, the fiscal
criterion-the ratio of debt to government revenues-is
being used to calculate the reduction of the debt in net present value
terms. Resources made available from this debt relief
will help finance social expenditures, contributing to Mauritania's
efforts to reduce poverty.
In net present value terms, total relief from all of Mauritania's
creditors would amount to US$622 million, equivalent to
about 40% of total debt outstanding at the end of 1998. This is expected
to translate into debt relief over time of
approximately US$1.1 billion, which implies debt service savings of
roughly US$36 million per year over the next ten
years, or 40% of total yearly debt service obligations.
The HIPC initiative was launched by the IMF and the World Bank in 1996 as
the first international effort to eliminate
unsustainable debt in the world's poorest, most heavily indebted
countries. In October, the international community agreed
to major enhancements designed to make the initiative deeper, broader, and
faster by increasing the number of eligible
countries, raising the amount of debt relief each eligible country will
receive, and speeding up its delivery.
Under the enhanced HIPC initiative, IMF assistance of US$50 million (US$47
million in net present value terms) will be
provided to Mauritania, starting in 2000, by covering around one half debt
service falling due from then to 2007. IDA's
assistance to Mauritania will amount to US$185 million (US$100 million in
net present value). This relief would be
delivered over 20 years starting in February 2000 and will cover 70% of
debt service falling due to IDA. The reduction of
Mauritania's debt service to IDA would average about US$9 million per
year. Mauritania's assistance under the enhanced
HIPC initiative will be confirmed upon the granting of comparable
treatment assurances from Mauritania's other creditors.
Mauritania has established a good track record of adjustment and reform on
the macroeconomic, social, and political fronts.
Substantial structural reforms have been implemented and fiscal
consolidation has been achieved. Reflecting this effort, GDP
has grown by an annual average of close to 5% since 1992 and there has
been significant improvement in social indicators,
although 50% of the population remains under the poverty line.
In line with the enhanced HIPC initiative framework, the Boards of the IMF
and IDA supported a floating completion point,
which would be triggered by the successful implementation of a set of
predefined reforms in the macroeconomic, structural,
and social domains. In particular, to achieve the completion point will
require the preparation of a fully developed
participatory Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) broadly endorsed by
the IMF and IDA Boards and successfully
implemented for at least one year. The PRSP will also serve as a basis for
future concessional assistance from the IMF and
World Bank. As noted above, the IMF and the IDA will provide interim
relief-between the decision and completion
points-and the Paris Club is also expected to do likewise.
From rob@essential.org Sat, 12 Feb 2000 11:43:33 -0500 (EST)
Date: Sat, 12 Feb 2000 11:43:33 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] stop-imf listserve announcement
Dear Friends:
Especially as interest grows in the April 16 actions coming up in
Washington, D.C., we would like to build the subscription base of
stop-imf (now around 500). If you value the listserve, please pass the
announcement below to friends, colleagues and relevant lists, and
encourage people to join. Thanks.
Robert Weissman
Essential Information | Internet: rob@essential.org
** LISTSERVE ANNOUNCEMENT **
** STOP-IMF@LISTS.ESSENTIAL.ORG **
Want to learn more about the International Monetary Fund and Third World
debt issues in the run up to the April 16 actions in Washington, D.C.?
Then subscribe to stop-imf, a listserve run by Essential Action!
Stop-imf@lists.essential.org is an open, moderated listserve which posts
newsclips, reports, news releases, updates, urgent actions and analyses on
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To subscribe to stop-imf, send a message to
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From rob@essential.org Mon, 14 Feb 2000 11:25:03 -0500 (EST)
Date: Mon, 14 Feb 2000 11:25:03 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] Guardian: Hunt for Camdessus Replacement Continues
The Guardian (London), February 14, 2000
HEADLINE: Bank notes;
One of the most important jobs in international finance is up for
grabs but the selection process
beggars belief
BYLINE: Mark Milner and Mark Atkinson
Today is the last in Michel Camdessus' long tenure as head of the
International Monetary Fund.
Though Mr Camdessus gave plenty of notice of his intention to
depart, he is still leaving before his
successor has been announced. As usual the appointment procedure
has become involved in the
kind of unseemly backstairs power politicking which is an almost
inevitable accompaniment to a
change of leadership at any big international institution.
At present the frontrunner is a German, Caio Koch Weiser. He has
the backing of the German
government but so far has yet to clinch the post. Quite why he
emerged as the leading candidate is
unclear. So, too, is the nature of the obstacle preventing him
easing himself into Mr Camdessus'
chair. There are, however, vague rumblings that his background as a
development economist fits
uncomfortably with the vision of US treasury secretary Larry Summer
of a purely financial role for the
IMF.
The selection process illustrates the lack of transparency and
accountability that exercised many of
the protesters who took to the streets in Seattle at the World
Trade Organisation summit at end of
last year.
The top job at the IMF is 'paired' with that at the World Bank.
Tradition has it that the World Bank
goes to an American and the IMF to a European. As Mr Camdessus - a
Frenchman - had held the
post for so long, a view developed that this time another European
country should have a turn. Quite
how well that played in Paris is another matter. French support for
Mr Koch Weiser has been notable
by its absence.
But it is not just the IMF where the leadership selection is a
matter for power broking and political
horse trading. Take the European Bank for Reconstruction and
Development.
London won the battle to provide the new bank with a home - even
though it is one of the European
capitals furthest from the bank's area of operations in central and
eastern Europe. Though London's
standing as a banking centre played a part in the decision, there
is little doubt that it was an early
consolation prize for the subsequent decision to site the European
Monetary Institute, forerunner of
the European Central Bank, in Frankfurt. France's share of the
spoils was the appointment of
Jacques Attali as the bank's first president. When he departed
early and under a cloud, the French
government insisted that he should be replaced by another
Frenchman, Jacques de Larosierre. But
even though the bank's governors knew months in advance that he
would be going they were still
unable to get his replacement, Horst Kohler, in place until seven
months later.
The governorship of the European Central Bank was another case in
point. At the EMI, an institution
whose main role was to mastermind the preparations for the single
currency, the presidency went,
uncontroversially, to a Belgian, Alexander Lamfalussy. But when the
institution turned into the bank
which set the euro-zone's interest rates, the fur soon started to
fly.
The German government, which knew it could not have the bank in
Germany and a German in the
president's office, opted for the next best thing - Wim Duisenberg,
a former head of the Dutch central
bank, which is probably the closest in approach to the Bundesbank.
The French government,
however, was less than happy and fought to get their man, the
governor of the Banque de France
-Jean-Claude Trichet - into the top ECB job.
An unholy row ensued, which rattled the currency markets and put a
question mark over the ECB's
independence. It was only settled by an uncomfortable compromise
under which Mr Duisenberg
agreed to step down before the end of his eight-year term to make
way for Mr Trichet. Quite when he
will step down, however, is still unclear.
All that paled into insignificance when it came to replacing Renato
Ruggiero as director general of the
World Trade Organisation. Resentful at the way they were bossed
around by the US treasury and the
IMF during the Asian financial crisis, the East Asian countries and
Japan nominated the deputy
prime minister of Thailand, Dr Supachai Panitchpakdi, in an attempt
to break the western
stranglehold on top jobs in international financial diplomacy.
The Americans, however, wanted their own nominee, Mike Moore,
one-time prime minister of New
Zealand, to take over from the Italian. The ensuing stand-off
lasted three months. Despite calls from
Dr Supachai's supporters for the issue to be put to a formal vote
of WTO members, it was eventually
settled by a back -room deal which split the job between the two
men, with each serving three -year
terms. The Americans insisted Mr Moore went first.
Time wasted squabbling over the WTO leadership meant that
preparations for the Seattle trade talks
suffered, contributing towards their collapse.
Now the most powerful job in international finance, that of IMF
managing director, is up for grabs and
none of the lessons of previous disputes appears to have been
learnt.
Rather than have a formal selection procedure, in which candidates
of every nationality are invited to
apply in an open and transparent way, in the interests of securing
the best possible person for the
job, the position is to be filled by more unseemly wrangling
between European governments. The
most important criterion for the job, it seems, is nationality.
The developing countries are not impressed and those with seats on
the IMF board, normally
deferential creatures, have begun to question the democratic
legitimacy of the process. The IMF
places great emphasis on transparency and accountability and
requires borrowing governments to
reform their governance systems as a condition of receiving loans.
Yet the process is highly secretive
and undemocratic.
The double standards being applied by the IMF have not gone
unnoticed by the protesters who
caused so much havoc on the streets of Seattle. Sources in the
community of non-governmental
organisations say they are already planning their demonstrations
for the IMF's spring meeting in
Washington in April. But will there be an IMF managing director to
listen?
Mark Milner is the Guardian's deputy financial editor and Mark
Atkinson is economics correspondent
From rob@essential.org Mon, 14 Feb 2000 11:33:15 -0500 (EST)
Date: Mon, 14 Feb 2000 11:33:15 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] Baker Robert Naiman pies Michel Camdessus
All articles Feb. 13 2000
Outgoing IMF Chief Hit With Pie BANGKOK, Thailand (AP) -- The outgoing
chief of the International Monetary Fund got a rude retirement present
Sunday when an American anti-free trade activist penetrated security at a
trade conference and hit him with a pie in the face. Moments before Michel
Camdessus was to deliver his last speech as IMF chairman, the activist
hurled a fruit-and-cream pie inside the meeting hall where some 190
nations are holding the U.N. Conference on Trade and Development. The
action left Camdessus -- seen by many activists as Public Enemy No. 1 for
dictating financial policies to poor countries -- and Thailand's
tough-talking security officials with pie on their faces. Camdessus has
been a prime target of both Thai and foreign anti-free trade activists
gathered in Bangkok to demonstrate at the conference, seeking to repeat
protests that derailed the World Trade Organization summit in Seattle last
year. The pie-thrower, who identified himself as Robert Reuel Naiman, 34,
of Washington, D.C., said he performed the stunt to give the IMF chief ``a
friendly reminder of what we think of his policies and to give a warning
to his successor we expect different policies.'' Camdessus was chatting to
delegates in the main conference hall before making a keynote speech when
Naiman snuck up beside him and threw a pie with a shout of ``Happy
Birthday!'' ``It was a small cake, very tasty,'' Naiman told the ITV
television network before he was taken away by security. Naiman had
managed to sneak his projectile through a tight security cordon around the
Queen Sirikit Convention Center, the site of the conference. Thai police
have kept demonstrators away from the immediate area. Naiman was being
questioned by U.N. security officials inside the center. National Police
Chief Gen. Pracha Promnok said it would be up to the United Nations if
they wished to file criminal charges and prosecute him. ``I'm
disappointed,'' said Foreign Minister Surin Pitsuwan. ``It's absolutely
impossible to prevent such an incident. We have left no stone unturned in
our planning and preparation. We have been able to prevent bigger
problems.'' The Brussels-based group said it had staged similar attacks at
international conferences and called the attack a ``slight and sweet
embarrassment'' compared to the tremendous suffering inflicted on poor
countries by the IMF. Naiman, who described himself only as a ``private
citizen,'' said that he had been at the WTO meeting in Seattle, which
ended in acrimony when anti-free trade activists clashed violently with
police.
Camdessus Defends IMF in Speech
BANGKOK, Thailand (AP) -- Giving his last speech as chief of the
International Monetary Fund, Michel Camdessus used the occasion Sunday to
counter claims that his organization has ignored the concerns of ordinary
people. Camdessus said foreign investment in the Third World has enormous
potential to close the income gap, while information technology has given
poor nations access to knowledge that was once the preserve of the rich.
``Globalization can now be seen in a positive light ... as the best means
of improving the human condition throughout the world,'' he said.
Camdessus, 66, retiring after heading the IMF since 1987, spoke at the
U.N. Conference on Trade and Development shortly after an American
anti-free trade activist threw a pie in his face in protest against the
IMF. He spoke without mentioning the attack but was passionate in his
defense of the fund's goal of stabilizing the global financial system as a
prerequisite for reducing inequality in wealth. ``Macroeconomic stability
is clearly necessary for growth and hence poverty alleviation,'' Camdessus
told delegates from some 190 countries gathered for the eight-day meeting.
UNCTAD aims to use trade to promote development in poor countries.
Camdessus postponed a news conference that had been scheduled after his
speech, which itself was delayed for half an hour after the pie-throwing
incident. Critics of the IMF's bailout packages of Asian countries during
the recent regional economic crisis see the Washington-based fund as a
symbol of how globalization has benefitted rich countries at the expense
of the poor. In Thailand, which will leave its IMF-brokered $17.2 billion
economic bailout package in June, many people claim the fund's insistence
on high interest rates to restore financial stability deepened recession,
leading to heavy job losses.
IMF chief Camdessus hit with pie at UN trade meet BANGKOK, Feb 13 (AFP) -
A protester at a major UN trade talks here threw a fruit pie at
International Monetary Fund (IMF) managing director Michel Camdessus
Sunday as he entered the conference venue. The mess landed on Camdessus's
face and he retreated to a corner of the room to clean himself up, while
the lone demonstrator left the scene. The protester, who identified
himself as US national Robert Naiman, was apprehended within the building
shortly afterwards by security personnel, who had initially moved to
surround Camdessus. The IMF chief quickly recovered and resumed his
conversation with officials at the United Nations Conference on Trade and
Development (UNCTAD), where he is to deliver a keynote address later
Saturday. Naiman told AFP he was acting as a private citizen and not on
behalf of any group, but the protest group "Patissiers sans Frontieres"
(Bakers without Borders) has issued a statement on the prank. Naiman also
said he had demonstrated at the World Trade Organisation talks in Seattle,
which were marred by violent demonstrations. "We wanted to tell Mr.
Camdessus that we don't appreciate his leadership, because of the
destruction IMF policies have caused," he said. "Mr. Camdessus is a
servant of rich countries who enact economic policies which hurt the poor.
We want to give a warning to his successor that we expect different
policies," he said before he was hauled off by police. Camdessus is to
step down from his post Monday and his address here will be his last major
speech before retiring. UNCTAD's Thai hosts have erected a massive
security curtain around the meeting, anxious to prevent a repeat of the
violence at Seattle and at the World Economic Forum in Davos last month.
However, a thousand activists marched on the conference Saturday calling
for radical changes to the global financial system, which they say keeps
much of the world locked in poverty. UNCTAD, which has earned a reputation
as an advocate of developing nations, is attended by many delegates
hostile to the role of world financial bodies.
BANGKOK, THAILAND, 13-FEB-2000: US national Robert Naiman (C) is
surrounded by Thai and UN security guards after throwing a fruit pie at
International Monetary Fund Managing Director Michel Camdessus in Bangkok
February 13, 2000. Camdessus was arriving at the conference venue for the
10th United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) to
deliver a keynote address. [Photo by Jimin Lai, copyright 2000 by AFP and
ClariNet]
From rob@essential.org Mon, 14 Feb 2000 11:34:05 -0500 (EST)
Date: Mon, 14 Feb 2000 11:34:05 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] IMF backpeddles in Brazil (fwd)
IMF Retracts Criticism of Brazil Feb 12 2000 RIO DE JANEIRO, Brazil (AP)
-- The International Monetary Fund has retracted criticism of Brazil's
anti-poverty plan following an outburst of nationalist indignation and
calls for IMF representative Lorenzo Perez to be kicked out of the
country. Perez released a statement late Friday saying the government's
explanation of the plan had convinced him that it would not endanger
Brazil's ability to reduce its debt. Reducing the debt and a chronic
budget deficit are parts of Brazil's 1998 agreement with the IMF for a
$41.5 billion bailout loan. On Thursday, Perez had openly questioned the
wisdom of the proposed 10-year anti-poverty program, which would cost $2.3
billion a year. Most of the money would come from the privatization of
government property, which Brazil now uses to defray a huge domestic debt
of about $294 billion. ``Brazil already spends a significant amount of
money on social programs,'' Perez said in the first statement. ``This
money has to be used more effectively.'' The statement managed to unite
the political right and left in outrage. Senate President Antonio Carlos
Magalhaes of the rightist Liberal Front Party said it was ``undue
meddling'' in the nation's affairs. Rep. Jose Dirceu of the leftist
Workers Party urged the government to send Perez home. In the 1980s, when
Brazil went broke and was bailed out by the IMF, many Brazilians blamed
the Washington-based fund for the recession that ensued. IMF-bashing
rallies were common. Anti-IMF sentiment erupted again in 1991, when IMF
economist Jose Fajgenbaum observed that structural reforms in the economy
would require changing the constitution. Then-President Fernando Collor de
Mello said Fajgenbaum should ``go reform his own house.''
From rob@essential.org Mon, 14 Feb 2000 14:56:36 -0500 (EST)
Date: Mon, 14 Feb 2000 14:56:36 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] Camdessus, with pie on his face, bemoans world poverty
This is an UNCTAD release:
IMF MANAGING DIRECTOR SAYS EXTREME POVERY COULD NO LONGER
BE TOLERATED AS MEANS TO AMELIORATE IT ALREADY EXISTS
UNCTAD X Meeting in Bangkok Also Hears Statements
By President of Cambodia, President of Conference, UNCTAD
Secretary-General
Poverty is the greatest threat to stability in a global world, the
Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), Michel
Camdessus, told the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development
(UNCTAD) this morning in Bangkok. In a keynote address to the Conference,
he declared that extreme poverty in the poorest countries could no longer
be tolerated since the means to ameliorate it existed. Poverty was no
longer inevitable -- if it had ever been.
The world had unprecedented prospects, he explained, but it also faced
financial instability and exclusion. Although the most severe economic
crisis of the last 50 years had been overcome with unprecedented speed,
peoples anxiety was not unreasonable. However, if the dynamics of recent
history could be identified, a new chance to improve human well-being
would be created.
Among those dynamics, he said, was a recognition that major economic
crisis could be overcome. Another was the new development paradigm that
was emerging. A third dynamic was the knowledge that globalization could
lead to world progress, if properly handled -- "and that is a big if", he
cautioned.
Rubens Ricupero, the Secretary-General of UNCTAD, said the present
gathering was a good place to conduct a thorough in-depth reflection of
the development process -- what went right, what went wrong and why? He
called on the Conference to avoid old conceptualizations like "the State
versus the market" and face the real challenges of the present, by
analysing facts, not ideologies. There was an "arrogant" strain of
globalization that endorsed unfettered power of footloose capital, and was
only concerned with profit. For UNCTAD, globalization meant
interdependence, the mutuality of interest and "win-win" situations.
Also addressing the Conference this morning were the President of
Cambodia, Samdech Hun Sen, and the President of UNCTAD X, Supachai
Panitchpakdi, of Thailand.
Finally, the Conference decided to recommend the establishment of a
Committee of the Whole, electing Philippe Petit (France) as its Chairman.
It elected Mohammad Nahavandian (Iran) as Rapporteur and appointed the
following States as Vice-Presidents of the Conference: Bolivia, Burundi,
Canada, China, Colombia, Czech Republic, Dominican Republic, Egypt,
Ethiopia, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Gabon, Guatemala,
Japan, India, Lebanon, Lesotho, Mexico, Netherlands, Nigeria, Norway,
Pakistan, Peru, Philippines, Russian Federation,
(more)
Singapore, Slovenia, South Africa, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, United
Kingdom, United States and Uruguay.
The Conference will meet again at 3 p.m. today to hear an address by the
Prime Minister of Viet Nam, Phan Van Khai, and a statement by former
UNCTAD Secretary-General Gamani Corea. It will then begin its general
debate.
Address by IMF Managing Director
Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), MICHEL
CAMDESSUS: The world faced a situation at present where there is a
promise of unprecedented prospects but also financial instability and
exclusion. There are serious reasons for the anxiety felt by some about
globalization, even though the world has reasonably overcome, with
unprecedented speed, the most severe economic crisis of the last 50 years
and even though it enjoys better prospects for sustainable growth. There
is a unique opportunity at present -- too good to be missed -- to try to
identify the dynamics in recent history, and thereby offer a new chance to
improve the well-being of humankind.
There is also a unique opportunity to recognize that poverty is the threat
to stability in a global world, and that an all out effort is needed to
overcome world poverty.
Three of the positive dynamics in recent history are that major economic
crisis can be overcome and that a stable world can be built on its
lessons; that a new development paradigm is emerging; and that we now
recognize that globalization, if properly handled -- and that is a big
"if" -- can be an opportunity for progress for the world.
The resilience of Asian economies to such a severe crisis, the courage of
authorities and the capacity of the international community to respond
promptly with technical and financial assistance must be noted. While the
human cost of the recent financial crisis is to be deplored, by 1999 all
economies were recovering and the gross domestic product (GDP) of the
Republic of Korea and the Philippines already exceeded pre-crisis levels.
Thailand, too, would soon be "graduated maxima cum laude" from the IMF
programme. Its economy is on the path of recovery and industrial output
is now at pre-crisis level.
The Asian nations and emerging markets elsewhere which have confronted the
crisis with such fortitude are to be saluted. It is a tribute not only to
their governments and institutions but also to their people. We must not
pretend the reform process is over, but it is important that economies
have stabilized and fundamental changes in finance and corporate sectors
have been made. These States have now gained a better chance now of
achieving high quality growth. Beyond the recovery, there is another
golden opportunity to press for a world less vulnerable to upheaval.
There are three basic lessons to be learned from these countries. First,
that it is of essential importance to strengthen all available means of
prevention, and that institutions must be given these means to prevent
crisis. Second, that the strength and determination of governments is of
decisive importance in avoiding crisis. Third, that the international
community has the ability to respond and thus reduce the length of the
crisis. These lesson are an important avenue for stability in the future,
and underline the extensive reform agenda for international monetary and
financial system which is being implemented.
The recoveries rest on, or have developed in parallel with, positive
developments in the way the international community approaches its
economic challenges. A new paradigm of development is progressively
emerging here. A key feature of this is the progressive humanization of
basic economic concepts. It is now recognized that markets can have major
failures, and that growth alone is not enough and can even be destructive
of the natural environment and of social and cultural goods. Only the
pursuit of high-quality growth is worth the effort.
High-quality growth is growth sustained over time without domestic and
external imbalances, but it is also growth that has the human person at
its centre. It is accompanied by high levels of investment in education.
It is growth that is sustainable, based on continuous efforts for equity,
poverty alleviation and for empowerment of poor people, and that promotes
the protection of the environment.
A second key feature is the convergence between respect for ethical values
and the search for economic efficiency and market competition. This
augurs well for the highest quality growth. There is now a far wider
recognition that participatory democracy can maximize the effectiveness of
sound economics, that transparency, openness and accountability are basic
requirements of economic success, and that combating collusion, corruption
and nepotism is a legitimate concern of the international community.
Stability and strong institutions are clearly essential for growth and
hence poverty alleviation, but popular support for stabilization and
reform cannot be counted on unless the whole population, including the
poorest, are able to contribute.
In short, a new economic paradigm is emerging. New opportunities arising
from information technology, compounded with more reasonable efforts to
share the benefits of growth, will amplify economic and monetary
stability. The new paradigm is rooted in fundamental human values, and
together with a better ability to prevent and manage crisis, it is a
distinct and positive chance of our times.
A vigorous call to turn globalization into an effective instrument for
development can be detected. Globalization can be seen in a positive
light -- not as a bland malevolent force. Globalization should be seen as
a logical extension of human and economic relations that have already
brought prosperity to many countries and people, and as the best means of
improving the human condition throughout the world.
If such powerful positive dynamics are at play, one must ask why there is
such anxiety and rejection of globalization. There is anxiety because
globalization has not yet demonstrated that it is concerned enough, or
capable of, overcoming the greatest concern of our times -- poverty.
Poverty is the ultimate systemic threat facing humanity. Consideration of
the positive dynamics makes the lack of pace in reducing poverty all the
more unacceptable. The widening gaps between rich and poor within nations
and the gulf between affluent and impoverished nations, are morally
outrageous, economically wasteful and potentially socially explosive. It
is not enough to increase the size of the cake. The way it is shared is
deeply relevant. If the poor are left hopeless, poverty will undermine
societies through confrontation, violence and civil disorder. We cannot
afford to ignore poverty anywhere.
The extreme poverty in the poorest countries can no longer be tolerated.
We must work together to ameliorate it. The means exist to do this. The
information technology revolution reveals its potential daily and could
eliminate forever the knowledge gap between rich and poor countries.
Global markets can easily allocate resources to poor countries, provided
the environment is right, and the poorest countries are more determined
than ever to centre their policies on human development.
Poverty is no longer inevitable -- if it has ever been. It can be
addressed, provided new opportunities are mobilized for the poorest. This
can be done by being respectful of priorities of those countries
themselves. The best way to respond now -- North and South together -- is
to mobilize all our resources at least to implement the
not-overly-ambitious pledges already made by States at the United Nations
conferences of the 1990s.
By taking the necessary steps to this effect immediately -- tomorrow will
be too late -- we can significantly increase the chances of a diverse
synergy between social spending and growth. We can thereby achieve the
higher level of national growth necessary to reduce poverty by half by
2015. And the acceleration of growth in developing countries can
stimulate growth everywhere.
The principles States committed themselves to in the 1990s must become
operational. The challenge is to work together to build developing
country capacities to fight poverty and to mobilize resources to support
their efforts. Poverty is a challenge that the poor countries must
confront themselves. They are on the front line. Many have shown what
can be done when the ultimate objective is human development.
The content of programmes is important, but so is the degree of national
support for them. A programme will only work if people and society
support it. Success lies in national ownership through a participatory
approach that engages civil society. It is essential to ensure that poor
countries are in the drivers seat of the process, and the rest of world
should be ready to provide support when a country indicates it needs it.
Development partners can assist by assigning the highest priority to
providing unrestricted market access for all exports from poorest
countries. They can also work to encourage private flows of investment to
lower-income developing counties. And they can back up their pledges to
reduce poverty, in the North and in the South. Official bilateral
creditors and donors should be ready to step up the level of assistance.
Aid fatigue is not a credible excuse, but is almost cynicism when, for the
past decade, advanced countries have enjoyed the peace dividend. It is no
longer fashionable to mention the commitment to provide 0.7 per cent of
GDP as overseas development assistance, but that objective is still
relevant. Debt relief is a most welcome contribution, but must not be
seen as a substitute for new financial flows.
Multinational institutions are ready to play their part. It is imperative
that a new higher level of cooperation exists between the United Nations
system and the Bretton Woods agencies, as together they try to support the
work of countries to alleviate poverty. The task is just monumental. All
out effort is needed to alleviate poverty. A higher level of cooperation
is needed. A reinvigorated multilateralism must be the response.
The international community is giving with one hand but taking away with
the other. Governments have made a far-reaching decision in the Bretton
Woods institutions to reduce by half the debt of 35 to 40 of the poorest
countries. However those same governments have failed, in the World Trade
Organization (WTO), to launch a trade round or to take steps to eliminate
trade barriers to exports from poorest countries. The latter initiative
has the greater long-term potential for export-led growth and for income
generation and lifting the poor out of poverty. Unless reversed, these
failures by governments will make a mockery of their debt-relief
initiatives.
There is a similar incoherence in government activities for peace and
development in Africa. Just as development is the other name of peace, so
peace is the other name of development. The arms trade and military
expenditures must be restrained. Perhaps United Nations Secretary-General
Kofi Annans suggestion that military expenditures be set at no more than
1.5 per cent of GDP in Africa could be followed. States could also
cooperate in the interdiction of the smuggling of raw materials and
natural resources to finance armed conflicts, and they could broaden the
United Nations arms register to involve more countries and to include
small arms. How many ploughshares could be forged with such an oversupply
of swords?
In the past two years, a great deal has been done to identify the
architecture needed to reform the international monetary and financial
system and a start has been made on that reform. All countries have a
responsibility to make sure they are doing everything to make their
institutions and economies measure up.
However, there must also be more coherence in the attitude of governments
to political support for multilateral institutions. Governments sometimes
find it convenient to fail to support measures in public that they
wholeheartedly support in the executive bodies of international
institutions. In a world where demagogic campaigns can develop in a
flash, no multilateral body can fulfil its responsibilities unless it is
perceived for what it is -- a faithful instrument of its member states.
The IMF and others must be seen to have the legitimate political support
of their shareholders.
Multilateralism is the best way of enhancing the coherence of actions and
initiative for all humanity, but multilateral institutions are also the
only avenues to properly address the broad issue of world economic
governance. This is not a utopian vision of world government but an
effort to find global responses to inescapable global problems.
Globalization has until now operated at the whim of financial and
technological forces, but it is high time that responsibility for it is
taken. The world needs to be imaginative enough to conceive of
institutions that will best serve this purpose, or at least make necessary
changes to the Bretton Woods or United Nations institutions to allow them
to do so.
Strong dynamics are at play in our history, carrying the promises of more
financial stability, of a new paradigm of development and of a better
chance of humanizing globalization. They could make it possible to fulfil
the universal pledge to reduce poverty. Through reinvigorated
multilateralism, we can better address the global dimension of problems.
The bell that UNCTAD has chosen as a logo for this Conference is
reminiscent of the bells of villages -- calling old people to wake up and
reminding them that an angel has visited the earth. It can serve as a
reminder that, provided humanity cooperates, the world can be saved.
Positive dynamics for high quality equity development have been given to
the world today. It is up to us to cooperate, in a spirit of
responsibility and solidarity, as good citizens of one global village.
Replies to Questions
Asked what kind of IMF was needed, Mr. CAMDESSUS said that first,
the IMF must remain as it was. Its purposes were as valid today as they
were 50 years ago. The growth of balanced international trade must be
promoted, while developing the public resources of all members. The Fund
must also continue to assist in the establishment of a multilateral system
of payments and give confidence to all its members.
The IMF continued, he said, to be a self-reforming institution and it
accomplished this according to the needs of the time. Its central task,
however, was not financing but surveillance. Its goal was to help all
countries perform with excellence, optimize their economic policies,
improve the plight of their people and assist them in their contributions
to the world.
Surveillance must now be broadened to incorporate the establishment of
stability, strengthening banking and financial systems and improving the
quality of governments, he declared. The new world financial architecture
must also have the full participation of the financial and private
sectors.
Poverty reduction must be at heart of programmes, because experience has
taught that there is a kind a positive equation taking place: sound
macro-economic and monetary policies led to growth, as well as poverty and
inequity reduction.
He said the Funds focus on surveillance and crisis prevention should not
be carried by abandoning members. The IMF was committed to its 180-plus
members. Systematic crises could occur, as it did in Thailand, but the
IMF must be constant in its support.
The private sector must also be involved in market-based solutions, he
said. The emphasis made earlier that debt relief and market access must
go hand-in-hand was an issue he favoured. Debt relief was only a
temporary means. The relief provided by the World Bank had to be balanced
by the provision of market access by the WTO.
On a question raised about crises and poverty reduction, he said action
must be taken now and solidarity must be demonstrated. It will be
necessary to spend more for social purposes. But resources must be
generated through a more flexible economy. Flexibility must be stressed
so that country economies could grow. South Africa, for example, did not
grow enough and there was a need for structural changes to fuel such
growth.
The IMF was seen unjustly as an instrument that created marginalization,
he said. "Let me, however, refer you to 80 countries that currently have
IMF programmes", he added. Would they want such programmes if the Fund
did encourage marginalization? The IMF tried to work hand-in-hand with
governments, and it did everything it could to help the poorest, with help
of the World Bank, the United Nations and other institutions.
The IMF, he said, also wanted to be attentive to the problem of the
smallest and weakest countries. It was trying to bring their problems to
the attention of the international community. It was currently doing
this and had not closed its agenda to such countries.
On the question of the yardstick used to define poverty situations, he
said the IMF was open to any serious discussion on this issue. "But you
must help us to convince the world that this kind of measurement must be
reviewed", he added.
He said he was also aware that it was not one-country, one-vote which
prevailed in the current system. Although this was the desired system, it
was not in his hands to change the status quo. However, all of the
important decisions taken by the Funds board were taken by unanimity and
not by a majority imposing its views on the world
There also seemed to more interest in dwelling on the mistakes of the past
than in discovering avenues for the future. The IMF, as part of a larger
system, shared the mistakes of the system and had made mistakes. However,
the IMF was more interested in learning the lessons from these mistakes.
It had been accused of being erroneous in its handling of the Asian
crisis. "How then are we witnessing such a quick recovery?"
Another criticism is that interest rates were very high. But did
countries have the courage to take the necessary action to reduce them? A
number of Asian countries, however, were reducing inflation because such
policies were working.
There was also no "cronyism" between the IMF and Wall Street, as had been
inferred. Read the Wall Street Journal to see how critical they were of
some of the IMF policies.
And yes, the IMF did share many of the views of the United States treasury
because it had 18 per cent of its capital. The United States, however,
was also in the forefront of the fight to establish a global market
economy.
From rob@essential.org Tue, 15 Feb 2000 14:29:30 -0500 (EST)
Date: Tue, 15 Feb 2000 14:29:30 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] IMF succession race - US opposes German
German Nominated To Lead IMF
Tue, 15 Feb 2000
BRUSSELS, Belgium (AP) -- European Union finance ministers plan to propose
German Deputy Finance Minister Caio Koch-Weser as the EU's candidate for the
top post at the International Monetary Fund, the EU presidency spokesman
said Tuesday.
Manuel Meneses, spokesman for the Portuguese EU presidency, said the 15 EU
foreign ministers reached a consensus to back Koch-Weser during a meeting of
EU foreign affairs Monday.
The consensus was reached after France withdrew its opposition to the German
candidate, Meneses said.
The finance ministers will make a formal decision on Koch-Weser's candidacy
at their Feb. 28 meeting in Brussels, he said.
Monday, French Foreign Minister Hubert Vedrine said France would support the
EU's candidate.
Koch-Weser is the leading candidate to succeed France's Michel Camdessus,
who has held the job as IMF director for 13 years and steps down this week.
Koch-Weser has been strongly backed by German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder
to succeed Camdessus.
France never officially blocked Koch-Weser's candidacy, but French diplomats
had expressed doubts about the German minister's ability to handle the job,
saying he lacked a high profile and hard-core financial background.
Koch-Weser, who worked for 26 years at the World Bank, has said that it was
``absolute nonsense'' that he wouldn't be able to handle the job.
US opposes German candidate for IMF leadership
WASHINGTON, Feb 15 (AFP) - The US Treasury is against German Caio Koch-Weser
becoming director of the International Monetary Fund, despite his backing by
European Union foreign relations ministers, a senior US official said.
US backing for a European candidate to the IMF leadership is contingent on
widespread support for the person nominated elsewhere around the world, the
senior official told AFP.
A Treasury Department spokesman made no comment on the EU candidate to
replace Frenchman Michael Camdessus, who after 13 years as IMF general
director stepped down in November for personal reasons.
Since then, the fund has been headed by its deputy general director Stanley
Fischer.
Another IMF official said there were no grounds for media stories and rumors
that Fisher had US backing to take over the fund's top post.
Tradition has it that a European heads the IMF, while an American is in
charge of the World Bank, and nothing will change that for the moment, said
Fred Bergsten, head of the Institute for International Economics, White
House aide and former treasury secretary under US president Jimmy Carter
(1976-1980)
IMF chiefs are usually selected behind the political scenes in Europe, but
the United States is kept abreast throughout the entire process.
Japan, the world's second-largest economy and member of the Group of Seven
most industrialized nations, has little input in the selection of an IMF
chief, Bergsten said.
The analyst suggested that at a time of economic globalization, the best
candidate to run the IMF should be the most qualified, regardless of his
birthplace.
To that end, Bergsten added, the selection process should not be secret but
open and transparent.
Once an IMF chief is chosen, his appointment is subject to approval by the
IMF board of directors, in which the United States has 17.68 percent of the
votes, the EU 30.13 percent, and Japan 6.33 percent.
From rob@essential.org Thu, 17 Feb 2000 09:47:10 -0500 (EST)
Date: Thu, 17 Feb 2000 09:47:10 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] TWN/Martin Khor reply to Camdessus at UNCTAD
Dear friends and colleagues
On 13 Feb, the day before his retirement as IMF director general, Michel
Camdessus made his last speech in office, at the UNCTAD X conference in
Bangkok. He spoke about the need for a human development approach, and
the need to tackle poverty, health, education and the environment, and a
new development paradigm.
During the question time, Martin Khor of the Third World Network made a
critical comment on Mr Camdessus' speech. It was the last question of the
session, so in a way it was the final comment by a civil society
organisation to Mr Camdessus during his IMF career. After the comment was
orally presented there was loud applause from the audience of about 1500
delegates and NGO representatives.
Just before he made his speech, Mr Camdessus had received a cake on his
face from an American activist, an event that caused a sensation at UNCTAD
X itself and around the world through the media.
NGOs and many delegates too felt this incident and the comment made in the
hall were fitting send-offs to the IMF chief as the IMF had been blamed
for a policies that resulted in a generation of economic crisis and social
hardship across the developing world.
We attach below the text of the presentation which was written up after
the session.
A report of the session, and other reports on UNCTAD X are being sent on
separate files.
With best regards
Third World Network.
Intervention by Martin Khor (Director, Third World Network) during the
Session on Interactive Debate with Mr. Michel Camdessus (Managing
Director, International Monetary Fund), at UNCTAD X, on 13 Feb 2000.
It is almost "touching" to see Mr Camdessus at the end of his IMF career
apparently being "born again" as a human development advocate, talking
just now about the need for a new development paradigm that stresses
health, education, poverty alleviation, gender and the environment. But
it would have been more convincing if he had first acknowledged the
central role of the IMF in generating the crises of poverty and
development in the first place.
In Africa and Latin America the IMF's structural adjustment policies had
caused severe health and education cutbacks and social crises, deep
recession and persistent poverty, for a whole generation. In Asia, the
IMF helped create the conditions that led to the financial crisis (through
its advice to countries to rapidly liberalise their financial systems) and
once the crisis broke out the IMF magnified it. Mr Camdessus and the IMF
introduced conditionalities such as high interest rates, tight money,
budget cutbacks and the sudden closure of financial institutions (before
putting forward a comprehensive plan for all financial institutions,
thereby undermining the confidence of depositers and causing capital
flight). These policies led to economic collapse.
Yet Mr Camdessus does not admit nor does he vdraw the lessons of the IMF
mistakes. Instead he continues to give advice to the victimised
countries, and using double standards as well, since the advice would have
applied better to the international players and institutions that
primarily caused the crisis.
He said the reform of the affected countries is not over. But he forgot
to say that the much needed reform of the international financial system
has not even started. He asked for transparency in developing countries,
but did not call for the much needed transparency and strict regulation of
the financial markets and big market players like hedge funds and
investment banks that have manipulated currencies and stock markets and
transferred billions of dollars from the victimised countries.
He spoke about cronyism and collusion in developing countries. NGOs agree
this is a problem and have been fighting it. But he ignored the root
cause of the international financial disorder and the wrong IMF policies,
namely the cronyism in the nexus between Wall Street, US Treasury and the
IMF Secretariat, what Professor Bhagwati called the Wall Street-Treasury
Complex in a US foreign policy journal. This international cronyism has
put the interests of a few financial institutions and financiers ahead of
the interests of the economies and people of the world, in both North and
South countries, and is preventing the kind of reforms needed.
If Mr Camdessus is serious, he would have led a process of reforms. That
would have included measures to curb speculators and the unrestricted flow
of short term funds; to prevent the IMF from being made use of by
financial institutions and players and the US Treasury and other major
developed countries; to change the discredited structural adjustment
policies; to resolve the Third World debt problem; and to change the
decision-making process in the IMF. He talked about the need for
participation of the poor. If he is serious the IMF should have at least
changed its distribution of quota shares so that developing countries own
at least 50 percent of the equity of the IMF and thus have a bigger say in
voting and in IMF policies.
If Mr Camdessus is serious about the need to shift to a new economic
paradigm, then in his retirement he should confess to his role in the
IMF's mistakes, admit the IMF's liability for the economic and social
losses of so many countries and people, and advocate for all the required
changes mentioned earlier.
From rob@essential.org Thu, 17 Feb 2000 09:51:50 -0500 (EST)
Date: Thu, 17 Feb 2000 09:51:50 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] camdessus session at unctad x (fwd)
A tragi-comedic report from Chakravarthi Ragavan on Camdessus's final
official appearance:
SUNS #4606 Tuesday 15 February 2000
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Finance: 'What Washington Consensus? I never signed any'- Camdessus
(Chakravarthi Raghavan, Bangkok)
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FINANCE: 'WHAT WASHINGTON CONSENSUS? I NEVER SIGNED ANY'- CAMDESSUS
Bangkok, 13 Feb (Chakravarthi Raghavan) -- "What Washington Consensus, I
never signed any," Michel Camdessus, IMF Managing Director, said Sunday at
UNCTAD-X in one of its 'inter-active sessions' in responding to an NGO
representative - Martin Khor of the Third World Network.
In 1988, soon after Michel Camdessus took over as Managing Director of the
International Monetary Fund, UNCTAD's then Secretary-General late Kenneth
Dadzie went to visit him in Washington DC, on a Sunday, to discuss with
him the Third World Debt crisis and the UNCTAD view on the need for
writing down the debts owed by countries to private banks.
Camdessus, Dadzie told this writer on return, agreed with many of UNCTAD's
analysis on the debt issues, but said this was a thought he could afford
to have only on a Sunday!
Well, Camdessus came to Bangkok at the invitation of UNCTAD
Secretary-General Rubens Ricupero to address the tenth session and
participate in an interactive meeting, and spoke at the Conference on
Sunday, a day before his laying down office as the IMF head.
The Sunday and the imminent retirement perhaps encouraged him to say some
things at UNCTAD-X that is not normally IMF language, mixed, though, with
many of shop-worn cliches in IMF armoury:
"Now we know, it is not enough to increase the size of the cake. How the
cake is shared is equally relevant to the dynamics of development." Well,
some lessons in development economics after 12 years on the job.
Or, another one:
"it is recognized that the market can have major failures, that growth
alone is not enough or can even be destructive of the natural environment
or precious social goods and cultural values. Only the pursuit of high
quality growth is worth the effort -- growth that can be sustained over
time... growth that has the human person at its center.... growth based on
continuous effort for more equity, poverty alleviation, and empowerment of
poor people, and growth that promotes protection of the environment and
respect for national cultural values... a striking and promising
recognition of a convergence between a respect for fundamental ethical
values and the search for efficiency...."
"...that systematically dismantling the state is not the way to respond to
the problems of modern economies; rather, we must aim for a slimmer yet
more effective state, able to provide the private sector with a solid
framework in which the rule of law could prevail on a level playing
field."
Or, "the new emerging paradigm, rooted in fundamental human values, taken
together with a better ability to prevent and manage the crises, is a
distinct and positive chance of our times... a new perception of
globalization is emerging .. a call for common action to transform
globalization into an effective instrument for development. Globalization
can be seen in a positive light, not what some have portrayed it to be, a
blind, potentially malevolent force that needs to be tamed... a logical
extension of the same basic principles of economic and human relations
that have already brought prosperity to many countries...."
As incredulous delegates and observers listened, the Camdessus speech was
also splattered with a mixed bag of old and new IMF virtues --
liberalization of trade and capital movements, but with an orderly
approach, need for transparency, accountability, democratic governance,
fighting corruption, poverty alleviation as the center-piece of economic
policy ('we cannot ignore poverty'), need for gender equality, increasing
aid, debt relief, market access to developing countries, support to Kofi
Annan's recommendation for ceiling on national military expenditures -- a
re-invigorated multilateralism so that globalization is no longer operated
by autonomous technological and financial forces, but towards world unity
in the service of human kind, etc. etc.
The South African Trade Minister Alec Erwin referred to Fund-Bank
proposals for multilateral debt relief and IMF gold sales and need for
quick action on these.
There were also some polite comments and questions about the relationships
of the new paradigm with the Washington consensus, and from St. Lucia
about the problems of very vulnerable economies which may not strictly
come under the category for fast debt reliefs, and the President of the
Board Amb. Petit of France, asking Camdessus to amplify some of his
personal views now with those of the IMF.
Then came some comments and questions from Mr. Martin Khor of the Third
World Network that clearly upset Camdessus.
It was almost touching, Khor said, to see Camdessus at the end of his IMF
career to be born again as a 'human development advocate' talking about
health, education, poverty and environment. But it would have been more
convincing if he had first acknowledged the big role of the IMF in
generating the crisis of poverty and development in Africa, Latin America
and how the IMF's structural adjustment policies had caused cutbacks in
health and education budgets. In Asia the IMF, through its earlier advice
for financial liberalization, had led to the present crisis. It was the
IMF that introduced conditionalities of high interest rates, tight money,
budget cutbacks, and closure of local banks.
Yet, said Khor, Camdessus does not take lessons from IMF mistakes but
continues to dole out advice to the victimized countries, and with double
standards, since the advice for transparency etc could have equally
applied to international players in the markets, the hedge-funds etc. And
while Camdessus said the reform of the affected countries were not yet
over, he forgot to say that the reform of the international financial
system had not even started. He had not even called for transparency and
strict regulation of financial markets and big players there. NGOs of the
South were fighting corruption and cronyism in their countries. But what
about the corruption and cronyism in the North, and what Prof Bhagwati had
called the Wall Street-US Treasury-IMF complex.
If Camdessus had been serious he would have led a process of reform to
curb speculators and short-term flows of funds, and prevented the IMF
being used by financiers and the US treasury. If he had been serious, the
IMF should at least have changed the quota shares so that developing
countries could acquire more shares and quotas, at least to have 50%
voting rights. If Camdessus was serious about his new paradigm, he should
confess to his past sins, admit the IMF liability for the economic and
social losses of many countries and advocate all the required changes.
Khor was cheered loudly by the government delegations and observers inside
the plenary hall.
While replying, the picture of Camdessus on the large videoscreens in the
hall showed Camdessus was clearly upset - though part of the reason
perhaps lay in the fact that before he came into the hall in the morning
another NGO had splattered his face with a cream-pie.
Camdessus started off with sharing Erwin's sense of crisis and need for
speedy actions on debt relief, and then added: "I don't know what the
Washington consensus was. I never signed it."
He was, of course, right. The gospels setting out Christ's preaching were
those of the apostles, not Christ himself. And the stern injunctions by
the prophets of the Market God (the Fund and the World Bank) echoed by the
Washington think tanks were assembled and given the name 'Washington
consensus' by Prof Williams. And thus, it has become easy - first by the
Bank and now the Fund to deny authorship, though in its hey days neither
repudiated them or distanced themselves from the consensus.
"You are more interested in the mistakes of the past than in exploring
paths for the future," Camdessus told Mr. Khor, and refused to make any
mea culpas. The lowering of interest rates and government spending by
Thailand and others was because their adjustment had succeeded, not
because of Malaysia's reversal of course and capital and exchange controls
which were no panacea, Camdessus claimed. Liberalization had been
undertaken in countries in a disorderly way, and in Korea it was the IMF
that had advised some reversals.
Though Khor had raised the issue of double standards in terms of lack of
transparency and accountability of markets and big players there,
Camdessus repudiated any double-standards, citing the examples of the UK
and Canadian governments in making disclosures!
From rob@essential.org Thu, 17 Feb 2000 12:10:38 -0500 (EST)
Date: Thu, 17 Feb 2000 12:10:38 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] Wallerstein: Camdessus is worried (fwd)
Comment No. 34, Feb. 15, 2000
"The Head of the IMF: A Secret Radical?"
Sometimes, when important persons take leave of their public life,
they feel the need to make a bow to historical truth and seek to be
remembered for more virtuous analysis than they normally had made
earlier. This was the case when the last military man to be a
president of the United States, Dwight Eisenhower, gave his farewell
address in 1961. In that speech, he warned against the dangers that a
"military-industrial complex" was coming to control the decisions of
the U.S. government. This has been a theme ever since of the U.S.
left but it has not been a theme frequently repeated by subsequent
Republican politicians.
The story may turn out to be similar with the "farewell speech" of
Michel Camdessus, Managing Director of the International Monetary
Fund (IMF). On Feb. 13, 2000, the day before he was to leave office
after 13 years (the longest term of any Managing Director), Camdessus
addressed the Tenth United Nations Conference on Trade and
Development in Bangkok. He said some very radical things.
He started by noting what he called the paradox of the present world
economic situation: "promise - unprecedented prospects in certain
fields - but financial instability and 'exclusion,' the so cruel
situation of the poorest and the anxieties of so many in the world."
He said we must recognize that "there are serious reasons for this
anxiety." He called on everyone to "recognize that poverty is the
'ultimate threat' to stability in a globalizing world."
After all the speeches we have had from the IMF and its ideological
consorts about the primacy of growth as an economic objective,
Camdessus now tells us: "It is recognized that the market can have
major failures, that growth alone is not enough, or can even be
destructive of the natural environment or precious social goods and
cultural values. Only the pursuit of high-quality growth is worth the
effort."
Camdessus italicized "high-quality." And he proceeded to define this
term in language one usually hears from the critics of the IMF:
"growth that can be sustained over time without causing...imbalance;
growth that has the human person at its center...; growth...based on
a continuous effort for more equity, poverty alleviation, and
empowerment of poor people; and growth that promotes protection of
the environment, and respect for national cultural values."
And from this point, Camdessus moves on to virtual populism: "Popular
support for stabilization and reform cannot be counted upon, unless
the whole population. including the poorest - and by the poorest I
mean those that not only are out of the loop, but even more are
unable to contribute their experience - is able to participate in the
formulation of the policies and, of course, in the benefits from
those policies." Camdessus attributes the anxiety that is widespread
to the fact that globalization "has not yet demonstrated that it is
concerned enough, or capable of overcoming the great concern of our
times." And that concern, he says, is poverty.
As recently as the latest Davos conference, we were being assured
that a rising tide raises all ships, and that globalization would
prove of benefit to everyone. But no, says our secret radical, the
Managing Director of the IMF, "the widening gaps between rich and
poor within nations, and the gulf between the most affluent and most
impoverished nations, are morally outrageous, economically wasteful,
and potentially socially explosive." Widening gaps? There are those
of us who have argued this for a long time, but only now have we had
the assent of the IMF, at least the rhetorical assent. Perhaps the
gaps have grown to be so wide and so obvious they can no longer be
hidden from the blindest.
Furthermore, says Camdessus, "poverty is no longer inevitable, if it
ever has been..."
What then should we do? Camdessus recommends a five-point program for
the poor countries. Points two to four are standard gospel: sound
macroeconomic policies, promotion of the free market, and a web of
laws that support the functioning of markets. But see point number
one: "country-driven strategies that make poverty alleviation the
centerpiece of economic policy...." And point five: "well-targeted
and cost-effective social safety nets, a shift in public spending
towards basic social services in education and health care, and
efforts to provide income-earning opportunities for the poor."
And what does he recommend for the "development partners" of the poor
countries? First of all, "unrestricted market access for all exports
from the poorest countries, including the HIPCs [heavily-indebted
poor countries]." And "backing up all the pledges to reduce poverty
with financial support." The excuse of "aid fatigue," Camdessus says,
"is not credible." And one more surprising suggestion: "restraining
the sales of military equipment to sensitive regions; abolishing the
provision of export credit for military purposes."
To reassure us that he hasn't yet joined the ranks of the
demonstrators in Seattle, Camdessus does end with a fairly standard
list of four broad areas in which multilateralism should be enhanced:
liberalization of trade, liberalization of payments, liberalization
of capital movements, and (to guarantee the first three) the
strengthening of the international financial architecture. However,
even there, as an example of new architecture, he proposes replacing
the G7-G8 Summit with a meeting of about 30 countries, all those "who
have Executive Directors on the Boards of either the IMF or the World
Bank," because this would be "a representative grouping of world
leaders with unquestionable legitimacy." So obviously he feels that
the G7-G8 does not have "unquestionable legitimacy."
What are we to make of this speech, which will not pass unnoticed? I
think we should not persuade ourselves that it means that the leaders
of world capitalism have suddenly become egalitarians. Rather, we
should view it as meaning that the intelligent among them are
genuinely worried. But worried about what? About two things
essentially: The first is a financial crash. In an interview
following the speech, Camdessus said: "I am ringing the alarm bell to
our member countries to tell them that we run the risk of a new
financial crisis." He particularly pointed to the U.S. economy, whose
"low rate of savings, rapidly growing current-account deficit and
high stock prices were cause for concern." And there are "also
worrying vulnerabilities in other parts of the world." And worst of
all, all this, he says, is "combined with complacency."
The second cause for worry is the widespread popular rejection of
so-called globalization. It is this worry that is most fundamental.
Camdessus furthermore is not alone. During the so-called Asian
financial crisis of just a few years ago, the policies of the IMF
itself were strongly criticized by senior world conservative figures
like Henry Kissinger and Jeffrey Sachs precisely because the latter
felt that IMF policies were neglecting the social consequences of its
economic policies and would lead to populist disturbances, as they
said it had already in Indonesia. Perhaps Camdessus was listening.
The point is that when those in power are worried, there is usually
something to worry about, for them. Camdessus is worried.
Immanuel Wallerstein
From rob@essential.org Tue, 22 Feb 2000 22:08:26 -0500 (EST)
Date: Tue, 22 Feb 2000 22:08:26 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] NYT: Brazil Collides With I.M.F. Over a Plan to Aid the Poor (fwd)
February 21, 2000
New York Times
Brazil Collides With I.M.F. Over a Plan to Aid the Poor
By LARRY ROHTER
RIO DE JANEIRO, Feb. 20-- A new Brazilian government plan to spend more tha=
n
$22 billion on social programs in the next decade has led to a squabble wit=
h
the International Monetary Fund, which argues the money should be used to
reduce Brazil's indebtedness rather than to fight poverty.
The unusually public dispute has added to the unpopularity here of the
I.M.F., which in the past has been accused of provoking recession in Brazil
and trampling on the country's sovereignty. It has also given President
Fernando Henrique Cardoso badly needed political help, forcing opposition
parties to line up behind him and potentially strengthening his hand in
continuing talks with an I.M.F. now more leery than ever of being seen as
heartless.
Brazil and the I.M.F. reached agreement in November 1998 on an emergency
three-year $41.5 billion rescue package, the terms of which were modified
early last year after Mr. Cardoso was forced to allow the national currency=
,
the real, to be devalued by 40 percent. The accord calls for the Brazilian
government to cut spending and raise taxes, and sets targets and timetables
for actions like reducing public sector debt and selling state-owned
companies.
But nationwide municipal elections are scheduled for October, with the
presidential and legislative races to follow in 2002, and the government
coalition is eager to offer voters something more than continued austerity.
In addition, Mr. Cardoso promised in his 1998 campaign that if elected to a
second term, he would take steps to lessen the country's chronically skewed
income distribution and other social inequalities.
Though living conditions for the poor improved in the 1990's, economists
calculate that at least half the work force in this nation of 165 million
still earns the minimum wage of $77 a month or, in the case of millions
working off the books, even less. According to government statistics, the
poorest 10 percent of the population accounts for only 1 percent of nationa=
l
income, while the richest 10 percent receives nearly half.
As presented to Congress, the government's plan calls for at least $2.25
billion a year over the next 10 years to be funneled into a Fund to Combat
and Eradicate Poverty for additional spending on things like education,
health and infrastructure. Minister of Finance Pedro Malan maintains that
money gained from privatization and new luxury taxes will enable Brazil to
finance the program without deviating from the I.M.F. agreement.
In an interview with the Brazilian news magazine Veja last month, before th=
e
dispute erupted, the United States secretary of the treasury, Lawrence
Summers, said that the government here "in the long term, needs to invest
massively in the Brazilian people," citing education as a top priority. But
in an interview last week with the Dow Jones news service, the I.M.F.
representative in Bras=EDlia, Lorenzo Perez, said the government plan
"established a precedent that could become dangerous."
"Brazil already spends a significant amount of money on social programs," h=
e
said. "This money has to be used more effectively."
The Brazilian reaction was sharp and immediate, with the government and the
opposition demonstrating a rare unity. Leaders of the leftist Workers Party
called for Mr. Perez's expulsion, while Mr. Malan said "the allocation of
budgetary resources has never been a theme of discussion with the I.M.F. an=
d
is not within its area of competence."
A day later, Mr. Perez reversed course, saying that after further study of
the plan, "I don't think its implementation would involve macroeconomic
risks."
That appeared to be the end of the matter. But on Feb. 13, the departing
managing director of the I.M.F., Michel Camdessus, left Brazilian officials
seething anew over remarks he made at a United Nations trade conference in
Bangkok, apparently unaware that Mr. Perez had retracted his original
criticisms.
"We in the I.M.F. believe that what is important in the strategy of a count=
r
y is not to get rid of the problems of the poor by doing some charity from
time to time," he said. "What we see as more important is to make room in
the budget of the government and of the states for increased social spendin=
g
on a permanent basis."
From rob@essential.org Wed, 23 Feb 2000 19:58:36 -0500 (EST)
Date: Wed, 23 Feb 2000 19:58:36 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] IMF Board Receives Managing Director Nominations
Press Release No. 00/10
February 23, 2000
International Monetary Fund
700 19th Street, NW
Washington, D.C. 20431 USA
IMF Board Receives Managing Director Nominations
On Tuesday, February 22, 2000, the International Monetary Fund's (IMF)
Executive Board received the first formal
nominations for the post of the next Managing Director of the IMF.
Mr. Stanley Fischer, IMF First Deputy Managing Director, and currently
Acting Managing Director, was nominated for
the post by Mr. Jose Pedro de Morais, Jr., the Executive Director
representing Angola, Botswana, Burundi, Eritrea,
Ethiopia, the Gambia, Kenya, Lesotho, Liberia, Malawi, Mozambique,
Namibia, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, South Africa,
Swaziland, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia, and Zimbabwe.
Mr. Eisuke Sakakibara, former Vice Minister of Finance Finance for
International Affairs in the Ministry of Finance of
Japan, was nominated by Mr. Yukio Yoshimura, Executive Director for Japan.
Executive Directors are in consultation with their respective authorities
on the nominations received.
Statements by the Executive Directors will be posted shortly on the IMF's
website (http://www.imf.org).
From rob@essential.org Wed, 23 Feb 2000 20:15:43 -0500 (EST)
Date: Wed, 23 Feb 2000 20:15:43 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] IMF succession race takes a couple interesting turns (fwd)
Nomination of US, Japanese IMF candidates could set up struggle with EU
WASHINGTON, Feb 23 (AFP) - The emergence Wednesday of US and Japanese
candidates to head the International Monetary Fund is likely to spark a
confrontation with the European Union, which by longstanding tradition
provides the Fund with its managing director.
The IMF announced that its executive board had received the formal
nominations of Stanley Fischer of the United States, currently acting IMF
managing director, and Eisuke Sakakibara, former Japanese vice finance
minister.
Fischer and Sakakibara are likely to be challenged by Caio Koch-Weser, state
secretary in the German finance ministry, whose candidacy has been endorsed
by the European Union.
The nominations announced Wednesday took the German government by surprise.
A spokesman for finance ministry in Berlin, Torsten Albig, said Fischer's
candidacy had "never been an issue until now."
"We're still convinced that there will be sufficient votes" for the European
candidate, Albig added.
German government sources have warned it might not be in the interests of
Europe to have US citizens occupying the top spots at the IMF and the World
Bank, both of which have their headquarters in Washington. James Wolfensohn
is currently World Bank president.
Fischer has been serving as acting managing director since February 14 when
Michel Camdessus of France resigned after 13 years on the job.
If either Fischer or Sakakibara wins the backing of the Fund's 24-member
executive board, the election would break a tradition as old as the IMF
itself, according to which the Fund is headed by a European while the World
Bank is led by a US national.
Since its establishment in the aftermath of World War II, the IMF has had
seven managing directors, three from France, two from Sweden and one from
Belgium and the Netherlands.
While the United States, the IMF's largest stakeholder, has yet to make its
preference known, US officials have been less than enthusiastic about the
candidacy of Koch-Weser.
US Treasury Secretary Lawrence Summers has said the next managing director
should have sufficient stature to oversee internal IMF reform and be able to
command the backing of all IMF members.
Fischer, who will be 57 in October, was born in Zambia, educated as an
economist in Britain and became a US citizen in 1976. He was named to the
post of deputy managing director in 1994 by the Clinton administration,
consistent with another IMF practice under which the number two position is
held by an American.
After a career as a university professor in the United States, he made the
switch to international civil service in 1988, when he was named vice
president and chief economist at the World Bank, where he remained until
1990.
He was nominated a candidate for IMF chief by Jose Pedro de Morais, an IMF
executive director representing Angola, Botswana, Burundi, Eritrea,
Ethiopia, Gambia, Kenyan, Lesotho, Liberia, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia,
Nigeria, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Swaziland, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia and
Zimbabwe.
Sakakibara, the first Japanese citizen to be a candidate for IMF managing
director, is known around the world as "Mr. Yen" for the influence his
remarks had on the foreign exchange market. He quit his post of vice finance
minister for international affairs in September and now teaches at Keio
University in Tokyo.
He was nominated by Yukio Yoshimura, IMF executive director from Japan.
Koch-Weser, 55, was chosen by the European Union as its candidate on
February 14.
An EU spokesman said the formal decision would be made when economy
ministers from the 15 member-states assemble on February 28, a gathering
thought likely to rubber stamp the nomination.
Fluent in four languages, Koch-Weser has been hailed as the ideal candidate
to take on IMF duties of emergency economic diplomacy and the promotion of
sound fiscal practice.
His knowledge of world economic affairs and Brazilian background are also
regarded as assets at a time when developing countries are mounting a fierce
backlash against the global trade liberalization.
Before his government appointment last year, he served for 26 years as an
official of the World Bank.
From rob@essential.org Thu, 24 Feb 2000 11:31:34 -0500 (EST)
Date: Thu, 24 Feb 2000 11:31:34 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] J2KUK: IMF Headless, not harmless (fwd)
> The IMF: Headless but not harmless
>
> 2/22/00, Jubilee 2000 Coalition (UK)
> On the 14th February, Michel Camdessus, stepped down from his
position as Director of the IMF before any formal announcement of his
successor. His imminent departure has for the last few months fuelled
unseemly backstairs squabbling about who should replace him. The secretive
and highly undemocratic process has been condemned by Jubilee 2000 and other
organisations. Meanwhile whoever replaces him will have to face the reality
of leading an international institution that has come under increasing
criticism for its role in the economies of indebted nations.
>
> The position of IMF managing director is one of the most powerful
jobs in international finance yet it has no open process of application and
interview or any form of formal selection procedure. Instead the position is
filled by negotiations held behind doors in Europe and USA. Traditionally
the key job at IMF has gone to a European; and currently it looks like it
will be the German nominee, Caio Koch Weiser who will clinch the post.
>
> In a joint letter to the British Finance Minister Gordon Brown,
Jubilee 2000 and other organisations said that it was no longer justifiable
to continue with a system which allows a minority of rich countries to
appoint the head of an institution wielding so much influence in developing
countries. "It is disgraceful that the millions of people living daily under
IMF influence have absolutely no opportunity to engage in the process of
choosing the managing director," the letter says. It goes onto emphasise
that "It is imperative that the new managing director understands and is
sympathetic to the needs and problems in developing countries."
>
> Jubilee 2000 has consistently been critical of the role of the IMF as
gatekeeper to debt relief and as a central player in the economies of
indebted countries. All countries applying for debt relief, including under
the most recent Cologne debt initiative, have to adopt an economic
adjustment programme. The name of the adjustment programme has been changed
from Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) to Poverty Reduction and Growth
Facility (PRGF). SAPs consistently led to falling expenditure on health,
education and public services and increased levels of poverty. To counter
increasing criticism, the G8 Governments at Cologne added new social
criteria to the narrow economic criteria as conditions for debt
cancellation. Yet this combination as led to highly contradictory results.
This was clear with the recent news that the IMF have penalised Guyana and
delayed debt relief for failing to meet its financial targets. However
Guyana missed its financial targets because it had, under IMF advice, gone
to indepepay dispute.
>
> The contradictions in the IMF's policies seem likely to get worse and
exacerbate the lack of accountability in the financial system. On February
9th, President Chiluba of Zambia said that IMF policies had increased
unemployment and poverty. He also highlighted the contradictions in the
IMF's new adoption of anti-poverty language:
>
> "We are told Africa needs to embrace the spirit of partnership with
NGOs but the NGO where I come from, such as the Zambian Congress Trade
> Unions (ZCTU) also wants increased wages. And then IMF says do not give
them, we do not know which way to go," President Chiluba said.
>
> Chiluba's comments followed his controversial sacking of 81 junior
doctors at Lusaka's University Teaching Hospital after 143 demoralised
junior doctors went on strike in January in protest over conditions and the
lack of essential drugs. Zambia's parliament have debated a private member's
bill calling for the unconditional reinstatement of the sacked doctors and a
commitment to improve the "deplorable" conditions at UTH. In proposing the
motion, independent MP Crispin Sibetta said the government should listen "to
the voices of the people" and resolve the impasse.
>
> The reality is that the Government has had its hands tied. Since
January last year, UTH has operated on a monthly budget but allocations are
only made as and when the government has the revenue to spend. The situation
at UTH is symptomatic of a wider health crisis confronting Zambia. The
government, saddled with repayment obligations on its US $7 billion debt,
has cut social spending to around 6 percent of its overall budget. This
combined with the devastating impact of HIV/AIDS has led to a sharp fall in
life expectancy from 49 years in 1992 to an estimated 37 years at present.
>
> The role of the IMF in Brazil also came under fire in the same week,
following comments by the representative of the International Monetary Fund
after he criticised a multi-million dollar plan to fight poverty. Under the
plan, which enjoys broad political support, more than two-billion dollars of
the annual budget would go towards helping Brazil's twenty-four million most
impoverished people. But the IMF official, Lorenzo Perez, told an American
news agency Dow Jones that the anti-poverty measure could endanger Brazil's
accords with the Fund.
>
> The Brazilian government reacted by saying the IMF had no right to
comment on budgetary matters, while the left-wing Workers Party the PT
accused Mr Perez of interfering in Brazil's internal affairs and said he
should be thrown out of the country.
>
From rob@essential.org Thu, 24 Feb 2000 13:18:38 -0500 (EST)
Date: Thu, 24 Feb 2000 13:18:38 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] FT: Overhaul urged of IMF, World Bank
Financial Times
Overhaul urged of IMF, World Bank
By Stephen Fidler - 24 Feb 2000 14:06GMT
A special US
congressional commission is expected
next month to recommend
a radical reduction in the roles
of the International
Monetary Fund and the World Bank.
It is likely to propose
that the IMF focus on short-term
finance to resolve
crises in emerging economies, and
that the World Bank
shift towards providing poor
countries with grants
rather than loans.
The commission, chaired
by Allan Meltzer, an economics
professor at Carnegie Mellon University, is
also expected to recommend the
abolition of the International Finance
Corporation, the bank's private sector arm,
and MIGA, its political insurance unit.
It is likely to call for the World Bank to pull
out of Asia and Latin America, leaving
the ground to two regional institutions, the
Asian and the InterAmerican
Development Banks.
The body - the International Financial
Institution Advisory Commission - was
established by Congress last year to report on
the workings of the international
institutions. It must report to Congress by
March 9.
The broad thrust of its likely conclusions has
been widely circulated in
Washington, though the findings have only just
reached the draft stage and may
change. Its 11 members are vote on the findings
next week, and it is not yet clear
how large the majority voice will be.
The commission comprises six experts nominated
by the Republican majority,
including Mr Meltzer, a monetarist economist,
and Charles Calomiris, an IMF critic
from the libertarian Cato Institute, and five
nominated by the Democrats, including
Harvard professor Jeffrey Sachs and Fred
Bergsten, head of the Institute of
International Economics.
The recommendations are based on the overlap
the commission found between
the roles of the IMF and the bank and between
the bank and regional development
banks. Most multilateral money goes into about
a dozen countries already open to
private capital markets.
The tentative recommendations would have the
IMF focused almost entirely on its
responsibilities to resolve liquidity crises in
member countries. It would provide
short-term funds at very high interest rates
but only against collateral. The fund
would pull out of Africa.
Under the plans, the World Bank's
responsibilities would shrink to providing
mainly grants to countries in Africa, eastern
Europe and the former Soviet Union.
The bank would stop providing finance to
countries with annual income per head
of more than $2,500.
From rob@essential.org Sun, 27 Feb 2000 08:01:34 -0500 (EST)
Date: Sun, 27 Feb 2000 08:01:34 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] Wolfensohn: Debt Relief Screws Up the Market
World Bank chief says debt relief would "screw up" market
MANILA, Feb 26 (AFP) - Using Christianity's Jubilee year as a platform to
press for debt relief for the world's developing countries is "whimsical"
and could "screw up the market," World Bank president James Wolfensohn
said here Saturday. "The issue of debt forgiveness is really quite an
interesting issue (because) there are two trillion dollars in outstanding
debt to developing countries -- that's 2,000 billion dollars -- included
in which is the Philippine debt," Wolfensohn told a news conference here.
"The notion that for the Jubileum for someone to come along and forgive
that debt is whimsical," he said. The Roman Catholic church is celebrating
the 2,000th birthday of Jesus Christ. Some church leaders and church-based
pressure groups have called for debt write-off for poor countries by
lending institutions, including the World Bank, to mark the celebrations.
Writing off these debts could put pressure on multilateral lending
institutions' capitals and in the longer term "screw up the market" for
debt instruments, Wolfensohn said. Wolfensohn recalled he recently asked a
church leader advocating debt relief to "forgive" some 100 million dollars
worth of World Bank bonds he knew the church was holding, but instead got
an "ambiguous reply." While there is a "lot of passion" about debt
forgiveness, Wolfensohn said governments that own the World Bank and other
lending agencies were not prepared to raise the limit of the money they
contribute as funds. "The reality is the limit of debt forgiveness is the
limit of the governments that own us. The owners, the governments, are
simply not prepared to give up more than what they are (giving up) now,"
he said. Last year, leaders of the world's eight richest nations agreed to
slash some 70 billion dollars off the 214 billion dollar debt of the
world's 41 poorest nations, which debt relief pressure groups said was not
enough. "If you have a society based on debt forgiveness, who's going to
invest in debt anymore? So you really screw up the market," Wolfensohn
said.
From rob@essential.org Sun, 27 Feb 2000 19:07:56 -0500 (EST)
Date: Sun, 27 Feb 2000 19:07:56 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] UK Committee calls for IMF reform
Feb 24, 2000
From: Angela Wood
The UK's Treasury Committee which watchdogs the Treasury has released a
report on the IMF following its recent inquiry.
The committee heard and received written evidence from NGOs, academics and
Treasury officials on aspects of IMF governance and its role. Much of
which is published in the report, including the letter from UK academics
and NGOs to the Committee concerning the MD selection process.
Recommendations include:
The Treasury should provide an annual report to parliament after the
Autumn meetings on its work in the IMF;
The IMF should publish agendas and minutes of Board meetings;
the choice of IMF Managing Director should be a much more transparent and
openly democratic process;
the Chancellor should publish the UK voting record.
Other recommendations focussed on the role of the IMF in transition
countries (particularly Russia); encouraging developing countries to be
involved in standard setting and codes; rules for including the private
sector in crisis resolution; refocussing the IMF on its original mandate;
increased transparency on conditionality; and a limited role for
governance conditionality.
The report is available from the Stationery Office (=A315.90) email orders
t= o or call 0845-7-585463.
For copies of BWP submissions email me at .
Angela.
From rob@essential.org Sun, 27 Feb 2000 23:55:34 -0500 (EST)
Date: Sun, 27 Feb 2000 23:55:34 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] To forgive dying man's debt isn't enough (fwd)
Dear friends and colleagues,
Attached is an article reporting on a rousing presentation
by the President of Algeria (who is also currently President
of the Organisation of Africa Unity) at the last session
of UNCTAD X.
Also attached is an IPS article on the last day of UNCTAD X.
These articles were published in the SUNS of 23 Feb.
With best wishes
Martin Khor
Third World Network
SUNS #4612 Wednesday 23 February 2000
south-north development monitor SUNS [Email Edition]
twentieth year 4612 wednesday 23 february 2000
contents
Development: Forgiving a dying man's debt isn't enough, says OAU
President
(Martin Khor, Bangkok)
Development: All eyes on how UNCTAD drives vehicle for new order
(IPS, Bangkok)
_____________________________________________________________________
publisher: third world network, 228 macalister road, 10400 penang,
malaysia
chief editor: chakravarthi raghavan, rm c504, palais des nations,
ch-1211 geneva 10, switzerland; tel:(4122) 7344274, fax 7401672; email
advisory board: hamidon ali, celso amorim, savitri kunadi, ali mchumo,
fayza aboulnaga, ransford smith
As a non-profit service, subscriptions are intended to cover or
contribute to costs of operations. terms and special conditions:
information available from publisher.
[c] 2000, SUNS - All rights reserved. May not be reproduced, reprinted
or posted to any system or service without specific permission from
SUNS. This limitation includes incorporation into a database,
distribution via Usenet News, bulletin board systems, mailing lists,
print media or broadcast. For information about reproduction or
multi-user subscriptions please contact
---------------------------------------------------------------------
DEVELOPMENT: FORGIVING A DYING MAN'S DEBT ISN'T ENOUGH, SAYS OAU
PRESIDENT
Bangkok, 21 Feb (Martin Khor) -- A comprehensive analysis of the plight
of Africa and a devastating critique of the response to it by Western
governments was presented by the President of Algeria and current
Chairman of the Organization of African Unity OAU), Abdelaziz
Bouteflika, on the final day of UNCTAD X.
Bouteflika's speech and answers to questions, which came at a panel
made up of world leaders (including the Prime Ministers of Thailand,
Mozambique and Morocco and the President of the Dominican Republic)
were a major highlight not only of the final day but of the Conference.
The Algerian President's views and comments were greeted with loud and
long applause.
The OAU President's main message was that writing off the debt of 33
poorest African countries which could not pay the debt anyway was only
a gesture -- a "macabre scene" where a creditor visits a dying man to
forgive his debts.
Much more needed to be done by the international community, if
Africans, who are a disappearing people threatened with extinction, are
to survive.
Whilst the very first speech of UNCTAD X, that by Malaysian Prime
Minister Mahathir Muhammad, set a high note for the critique of
globalization at the start of UNCTAD X, Bouteflika's presentations at
the very end of the Conference served as a stark reminder of how the
poorest continent had been subjected not only to exploitation but to
hypocrisy from rich nations that purported to help the poor countries.
The OAU President's remarks had all the more impact as the Committee of
the Whole of UNCTAD-10 had concluded the previous night a Plan of
Action, which in terms of governmental commitments provided no new
breakthrough in terms of duty-free and quota-free access for least
developed countries, or of debt relief for developing countries,
despite well-publicized wrangling for several days on these two key
issues.
This had left officials from developing countries feeling that the
Northern countries as a whole were not willing to extend concessions or
goodwill despite the failure of the WTO's Seattle Conference, and had
also caused the NGOs inside and outside the Conference to criticize
UNCTAD X for only being a discussion forum and lacking substantial
results.
In his introductory remarks, the OAU leader said the major problem
facing Africa was indebtedness. Whilst current debt relief measures
were welcome symbols, they only applied to bankrupt states that could
not repay the debts anyway. For debt alleviation to go beyond the
symbolic, it must be provided for middle-income African countries, as
it had been to Russia.
Amplifying on this theme in response to questions from the moderator,
Bouteflika, speaking without notes and in a passionate tone, said that
"Africa is completely being marginalised." This was made clear at the
WTO conference in Seattle, where the dialogue was between the US and
EU. The Africans were the forgotten ones in Seattle, and they held
their tongues and their dignity.
He said Africa had been split away from the flows and processes of
development of the rest of the world. "Globalization can only benefit
those countries with the material basis and technological foundation to
operate," he added. "Only they can benefit from globalization."
The Algerian President said that the international community had not
taken measures to help Africa, which was lagging behind. "Its
backwardness in trade is such that it will be utterly left out of the
process."
Asking how such a situation came about, Bouteflika said it was
necessary to look at history and the background.
"Africa is a continent that suffered from slavery and the trading in
blacks. Africa was used to develop other continents that are now more
advanced. I am not blaming anyone, but just looking at the past to
understand the present. Colonialism divided Africa, introduced regional
imbalances, social inequality and inter-ethnic conflict that have used
up our energies."
He added that the colonizing countries were interested in exploiting
Africa's natural resources, to the detriment of schools, education and
social development, whilst also causing cultural divisions. "This
jeopardized our subsequent development."
The OAU president said "Once we attained independence, African
countries, sad to say, chose the wrong development model. Those that
chose socialism or the free market failed equally. There was a lack of
executive personnel, services, infrastructure. It was disastrous. There
was a general imbalance at every level.
"The international economic order kept the African countries as
suppliers of raw materials and as markets for manufactured products. By
deregulating trade and bringing in competition when the forces in the
North and South are so disproportionate, it is obvious that Africa is
absolutely out of the race.
"What can we do? How can we combat marginalisation? What are the
palliatives, since there are no remedies? African countries must take
responsibility to combat their marginalisation, but without shame we
must also say the world cannot set aside such an enormous swathe of
humanity and live with a clear conscience.
"We can't live with a conscience side by side with this large part of
humanity, which faces drought, disease, AIDS affecting up to 40% of the
population. Africans are a disappearing people, going extinct.
Developed countries now have third-generation AIDS drugs, but not a
single African country has benefitted yet from the first generation of
such drugs. Everything is happening as if we are trying to regulate the
world's population through Malthusian logic, to let the weakest die so
we can have a world of the rich and let the poor go to the wall.."
Bouteflika said it was too easy for others to say that Africa must
settle its disputes. He agreed that this was a major problem, with 13
conflicts at present between states. Besides, there were also internal
social disputes that strike African countries, including Algeria.
"Of course, we can recommend countries to take on their own social
responsibility. But we have lost all our rights except the right to
dream."
Touching on the need for solidarity and partnership among African
countries, Bouteflika said solidarity of the poor is a fantasy more
than a dream. "Our people are big-hearted. But the big problem is that
of African debt."
He welcomed the Group of 7 decision in Cologne on debt relief as a
first step to a solution. He also welcomed the decision of UK Premier
Tony Blair and President Chirac of France to extend debt write-off for
eligible countries from 90 to 100%. He also welcomed the outgoing IMF
managing director's statement that 33 African countries would benefit
from debt write-off.
"But what are the 33 countries that have benefitted? We have written
off the debts of the countries that are bankrupt and that cannot pay.
Their debts could not have been paid anyway. We are looking at a
macabre scene of someone visiting a dying man and telling him 'you can
die without debts, you can die happy because you do not have debts to
pay.'
"The debt problem will not be solved this way. We knew the 33 countries
could not squeeze anything out anymore, anyway. Writing off their debts
is a welcome gesture. But we need to bring these countries up, to bring
their dignity back, and charity is not enough."
The Algerian President said other measures are needed to resolve the
debt problem. The debt of middle-income countries needs to be solved.
He noted that the Western nations had written off Russia's debt, and
urged that similar measures be applied to middle income African
countries. If these countries were free of debt, they too would have a
chance to develop, and to contribute to resolving world problems.
He added that whilst everyone wanted to be part of globalization, and
to go against it would be running against history, yet "globalization
is something that must not leave out the rich or the poor, and the rich
who have must truly share with the poorest among us."
In response to another question, the Algerian president said he was
struck by Mr Camdessus' idea to expand the Group of 7 to 30. The idea
to bring together creditor and debtor countries for discussions was
good but after speaking to his African colleagues he felt that UNCTAD
could become the facilitator between creditors and debtors so that
African debt can be discussed in the appropriate forum. This he said
was a crucial issue for Africa.
In the same session, Thai premier Chuan Leekpai said the Thai crisis
was initially due to a fall in foreign reserves as they had been used
to fight an attack on the Thai currency. The sharp currency decline led
to the disappearance of investor confidence and major capital outflows
or "the bleeding of the country." He added that the agreement with the
IMF was strict and limited fiscal spending. "But the situation did not
improve, so we arranged to adjust the agreement from one requiring a
fiscal surplus to one allowing a fiscal deficit. Clearly, the IMF's
initial assessment of the situation was wrong."
Chuan said Thailand used the crisis to undertake measures to prevent a
recurrence such as revising the legal and regulatory framework and
improving governance.
Mozambique premier Pascoal Manuel Mocumbi said the first challenge
facing Africa was: "How can we be part of the global picture when we
have high poverty and weak institutions? How can we move people earning
less than 50 cents a day up from that bracket and then go on to
produce?"
The second challenge was the debt crisis that impeded growth. "All that
we have is used to pay off this debt." He was happy that "today there
is agreement on the need for broader and deeper consideration of the
issue."
In the interactive part of the session, South African deputy president
Jacob Zuma said the format and processes of the WTO did not allow for
a good exchange of views as discussions in the WTO were in a
negotiating mode. At UNCTAD X there was a freer atmosphere for
discussions.
He added that at the UNCTAD IX in Midrand, some had predicted the
demise of UNCTAD. "We have succeeded in turning UNCTAD around at UNCTAD
X. Many stakeholders have made their voices heard here. This forum can
bring all stakeholders of the world together so we can discuss our
problems."
The Moroccan premier Abderrahman El-Youssoufi said UNCTAD should now
endeavour to play its role in full. "After the failure of the WTO at
Seattle, UNCTAD now enjoys more legitimacy and weight, and we have the
opportunity to rethink the principles and guidelines of the
multilateral trading system. Our institution should be a democratic
forum where everyone can defend their views. It should be the
appropriate framework for consensus to emerge. This is the optimistic
impression from UNCTAD X."
DEVELOPMENT: ALL EYES ON HOW UNCTAD DRIVES VEHICLE FOR NEW ORDER
Bangkok, Feb 21 (IPS/Kalinga Seneviratne) -- At the just-finished tenth
session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development
(UNCTAD) here, the often sidelined UN agency offered itself as the
vehicle to kickstart a "new order" of trade negotiations where
developing countries have a louder voice.
This stands in contrast to how its clout appeared to wane in past
years.
In 1995, the Western powers, particularly the United States, wanted
UNCTAD closed down after the World Trade Organisation (WTO) was
established in 1995.
Ironically, following the debacle of the WTO talks in Seattle last
year, the Geneva-based UNCTAD seems to have got a new lease of life.
At the Bangkok meeting of UNCTAD, even the developed countries urged it
to play a more active role in bridging the gap between the North and
South, which came into open conflict in Seattle.
"Four years ago (when UNCTAD IX was held in South Africa) UNCTAD was
completely isolated in relation to trade and technical cooperation, now
virtually everyone is talking about it," observed UNCTAD's
secretary-general Rubens Ricupero at a press conference at the end of
the Bangkok meeting.
"We rejoice at UNCTAD ideas becoming the mainstream," he added, but
warning that there is lot more to be done to make it possible to
implement many of the recommendations in the Plan of Action adopted
here.
The symbolism of UNCTAD acquiring a stronger voice in the global debate
on economic governance and trade, with that of the South being heard
clearer, cannot have come at a better time.
A few months ago, the United States tried its best to block the
appointment of Thailand's Deputy Prime Minister Supachai Panitchpakdi
as director-general of the WTO, fearing that it may give the developing
countries, as well as Japan, a greater say in world trade body's
deliberations.
Today, Supachai, despite doubts by activists that he can alter the
balance of power that gives industrialised countries more clout in
world trade talks, is seen at being at the forefront of moves to bring
the North and the South together at the WTO.
It is also a plus for his leadership of the UNCTAD conference -- he was
conference president -- that the prime minister of Japan, Keizo Obuchi,
was the only industrial country leader who bothered to turn up at
Bangkok.
As UNCTAD X president, Supachai had been given the task of spearheading
the campaign to help implement the main theme of the Bangkok
declaration -- to make the right to development a major component of
the next round of trade talks at the WTO.
When he takes over the reins of WTO in September 2002, he will still be
holding the presidency of UNCTAD on behalf of Thailand.
In his post-conference press conference, Supachai said cooperation
between developed and developing countries must be institutionalised to
tackle any future global financial crisis like that which struck Asia
in the last two years.
"If we run into another crisis, then we need to have cooperation
between G7 and the developing countries, so that the deepening of the
crisis could be prevented," he said.
"So the combination of G-7 and the participating developing countries,
if that could be institutionalised, would really be putting global
policy coherence into practice."
UNCTAD X's plan of action adopted here by consensus is designed to make
globalisation an effective instrument for development.
In his closing address to the conference, Ricupero said that the
economic discourse of the past decade has been dominated by the
'Washington Consensus' with 12 rules of economic policy to which "all
sensible people were supposed to agree".
He noted that the assumption contained in those principles such as by
liberalising, deregulating, privatising and getting prices right,
private markets would allocate resources efficiently for growth, has
been shown to be faulty.
"This has proven inadequate for the insecurities and challenges of
globalisation. We need to find a new 2000 paradigm," argued Ricupero.
"The new consensus cannot be a Washington consensus, but as we have
recognised in the poverty reduction strategies, countries must claim
ownership and make it part of their national consensus."
He said that he is tempted to offer a new set of 12 principles which he
would call the 'Bangkok Consensus', but he would not do so as consensus
could sometimes become self-destructive.
Ricupero noted that during the last decade informed public opinion has
converged toward liberal views of desired economic policies such as
freer trade, promotion of the private sector and the imperative of
macroeconomic stability. At the same time however, there is a strong
sense that such standards should not be set exclusively by the
developed countries.
"A more inclusive and participatory decision-making process is needed
at international level," he said. "This is one of the clearest appeals
made at this conference by heads of state and government who have
spoken."
The elements of the 'new international order' that countries at the
UNCTAD X conference said they wanted, Ricupero said, are the
dismantling of the trade barriers in developed countries for
agricultural, textile and clothing, recognition for efforts by
developing countries in promoting regional economic solidarity; and
making international economic institutions more pluralistic and
participatory.
But some delegates said the despite all of loud voices by the
developing countries at the UNCTAD conference about reforming the
international economic and financial system, the fact remained that no
leader of the North, except Obuchi, turned up at Bangkok.
When this was raised by the Algerian moderator of the heads of state
forum Saturday, Thai Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai said most leaders he
invited replied back by saying that this was meant to be only a
ministerial conference.
However, ministers from the North who attended the meeting, at least in
public, seem to support UNCTAD's call for a North-South dialogue.
"UNCTAD X offers us, industrialised and developing countries alike, the
opportunity to make up for what we lost in Seattle. The chance to
ensure that the ownership of WTO will be universal," said Netherlands
Trade Minister Gerrit Ybema.
At the same though, the same trade interests dictated positions during
negotiations on the conference's documents. For instance, the least
developed countries (LDCs) wanted duty and quota free access for their
products, but the European Union wanted access only for "essentially
all" items.
Martin Khor, director of the Malaysia-based Third World Network, said:
"With the failure of Seattle the rich countries are now more willing to
find out what's really have gone wrong," noted Khor. "At UNCTAD X
developing countries were getting their act together to make use of
this opportunity."
Khor argues that developing country criticism of the existing world
order must be transformed into proposals for changes that can be backed
up politically in the international fora. "I think there's a long way
to go," he added.
"UNCTAD is helping to build a culture of democracy which the World Bank
would be well advised to follow suit," argues Prapansak Kamolpetch,
chairman of the People's Assembly, the largest network of Thai NGOs.
He noted that UNCTAD X provided ample opportunity for NGO
representatives to "speak directly" to delegates. If the World Bank and
WTO learn to take the same participatory and analytical approach, then
"we will have a new era for trade and development", Prapansak argued.
From rob@essential.org Mon, 28 Feb 2000 19:28:51 -0500 (EST)
Date: Mon, 28 Feb 2000 19:28:51 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] Export Credit Agencies: The Hidden Agents of Corporate Globalization
-New Internet Site-
Export Credit Agencies:
The Hidden Agents of Corporate Globalization
www.eca-watch.org
Citizens worldwide are increasingly aware of global institutions (like the
WTO and the World Bank) and their harmful impacts on the environment and
human rights. But other secretive, often overlooked government bodies
known as export credit agencies also play a leading role in the process
of corporate globalization.
Non governmental organizations (NGOs), journalists, government officials,
academics and others increasingly seek information on Export Credit
Agencies (ECAs). Important issues of concern include ECAs' project
impacts, their lack of transparency and consultation with civil society,
and their failure to make progress in adopting internationally accepted
environmental and social policies. In response, the ECA Reform Campaign
Internet site has been established to provide helpful background material,
policy analysis, case studies, news articles, feature projects and
campaign contacts.
As a timely feature, the ECA Reform Campaign Internet site contains a
February 24, 2000 NGO press release and protest letter to the OECD Working
Party on Export Credits and Credit Guarantees, which meets February 24 and
25 in Paris to discuss environmental issues. The letter protests the OECD
Working Party's refusal to meet with the NGOs that focus on the ECA reform
effort, and the failure of world's biggest ECAs to make meaningful
progress toward achieving environmental mandates of the G-8. You can find
the press release and letter at www.eca-watch.org/actionalerts.html
What are ECAs?
Export Credit Agencies and Investment Insurance Agencies, commonly known
as ECAs, are public agencies that provide government-backed loans,
guarantees and insurance to corporations from their home country that seek
to do business overseas in developing countries and emerging markets. Most
industrialized nations have at least one ECA, which is usually an official
or quasi-official branch of their government. ECAs are now the world's
biggest class of public finance institutions supporting private sector
projects, collectively exceeding in size the World Bank Group.
What are their impacts?
Because of the inherent risks of controversial projects in the mining,
forestry, oil and gas, coal, power sectors, many of these potentially
harmful projects in the developing world could not go forward but for the
support of bilateral ECAs. These ECAs provide the political and financial
support that allows corporations to proceed with projects that harm the
environment and disrupt the lives of the people in the affected regions.
Yet, like the World Bank Group 20 years ago, most ECAs have no
environmental and social standards nor development mandate. This creates
a race to the bottom, a vicious cycle where more and more harmful projects
are attracted to ECAs for financing, which simultaneously serves as a
disincentive to efforts to strengthen all international finance
institutions.
What is the ECA reform campaign about?
The ECA Reform Campaign believes that public taxpayer money should not be
spent on ecologically and socially harmful projects. The International ECA
Reform Campaign objectives are to see that all ECAs adopt and upgrade
environmental and social policies and to support the advocacy efforts of
affected people against specific harmful projects.
For More Information Contact:
Doug Norlen, Pacific Environment and Resources Center; dnorlen@igc.org,
and
Emilie Thenard, Center for International Environmental Law;
ethenard@ciel.org
Please feel free to re-post this notice widely.
From rob@essential.org Tue, 29 Feb 2000 00:40:58 -0500 (EST)
Date: Tue, 29 Feb 2000 00:40:58 -0500 (EST)
From: Robert Weissman rob@essential.org
Subject: [stop-imf] NYT: More Openness to Select Camdessus Successor
February 28, 2000
New York Times
The Next Leader of the I.M.F.
The International Monetary Fund, the guardian of global financial
stability, will soon select its next director. Unhappily, and true to
form, it is proceeding in secret, with little opportunity for the public
to appraise the leading candidates or their views on critical questions
about the future of the fund. The lack of openness is intolerable for one
of the world's most influential organizations.
The fund's primary mission is to stamp out currency crises like those that
struck Korea, Thailand and Russia in recent years. In exchange for a
bailout, the fund extracts commitments by beleaguered countries to change
their monetary, fiscal, banking and other economic policies to the liking
of the fund.
Critics accuse the fund of overreaching. It intervenes in dozens of
countries, only some of which are in immediate financial turmoil, to fight
poverty or to help shift their economies from socialism to capitalism. The
fund's mixed record of success has led powerful members of Congress to ask
whether the fund should leave issues of poverty and development to the
World Bank. There are also important questions about whether the fund
should bail out fewer countries, pour less money into bankrupt nations,
impose less onerous conditions on its loans or lift the debt of
poverty-stricken societies.
The next director will face these and many other difficult issues. Yet not
one of the three top candidates has adequately described in public how he
would handle them or made clear whether he would try to lead the fund in
new directions.
Stanley Fischer, deputy director of the fund and a former chairman of the
economics department at M.I.T, has been endorsed by several African and
Arab countries. He is widely respected for his intelligence, policy
acumen, experience and commitment to helping poor countries. If Mr.
Fischer is prepared to rethink some of the fund's policies, and can shake
free of the customs of an institution that he has helped lead since 1994,
he would almost certainly be the best man for the job. The White House,
which would doubtless like to see Mr. Fischer installed as director,
cannot openly support him. The reason is an outdated gentlemen's agreement
among nations that a European should run the I.M.F. while an American
manages the World Bank.
For the moment, the leading European candidate is Caio Koch-Weser, deputy
finance minister of Germany and a former official at the World Bank.
Though he was effective at the World Bank, his leadership skills and
qualifications to run the fund are questionable. The third candidate,
Eisuke Sakakibara, a former vice minister of financ