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Debate Intensifies On IMF Funding Bill (fwd)



Debate Intensifies On IMF Funding Bill
                  Bailout of Russia Would Strain Resources

                  By Paul Blustein and Helen Dewar
                  Washington Post Staff Writers
                  Thursday, June 4, 1998; Page E01

                  As Russia emerges as the latest candidate for a big new
bailout loan from
                  the International Monetary Fund, debate is raging with
new intensity over the
                  IMF's role and U.S. support for the 182-nation
institution. 

                  As far as the Clinton administration and its allies are
concerned, a potential
                  disaster is looming larger by the day -- a scenario that
can be dispelled only
                  if Congress approves $18 billion in U.S. contributions
to help replenish the
                  IMF's depleted coffers. 

                  Asian financial markets are being buffeted by renewed
turmoil just as Russia
                  nears the brink of a currency collapse. And the IMF,
which already has
                  committed $35 billion in the past year to rescue
crisis-stricken Asia, has less
                  than $15 billion left in ready cash. Much of that would
be eaten up by any
                  Russian bailout package. 

                  "The IMF has had enough money in the till to handle the
Asian crisis if the
                  crisis did not deepen and did not widen," said House
Banking Committee
                  Chairman Jim Leach (R-Iowa), a strong IMF supporter. "It
now appears
                  that Indonesia is deepening it and Russia is widening
it.  These are issues that
                  Congress ignores at the peril of international economic
stability." 

                  But so far, such arguments are doing little to advance
the IMF's cause in
                  Congress, because the growing talk of a new,
multibillion-dollar bailout for
                  Russia cuts two ways in the debate over how to handle
international
                  economic crises. The fund's critics contend that if
anything, IMF rescues
                  look even less worthwhile since Indonesia descended into
political chaos and
                  Russian financial markets began to plunge last month.
Both countries, after
                  all, already had received billions of dollars in IMF
loans at the time their
                  problems intensified. 

                  "The International Monetary Fund bears much
responsibility for Russia's
                  current financial straits," House Majority Leader
Richard K. Armey
                  (R-Tex.) said in a letter to colleagues this week. "The
ever present hope of
                  an IMF bailout -- reinforced by the enormous
international bailouts of
                  Mexico in 1995 and Asia now -- has until recently
diluted Russia's
                  willingness to embrace the financial reforms necessary
to save herself." 

                  The upshot is that the already dim prospects for
approval of the IMF funding
                  measure this year are looking fuzzier than ever. The
Senate overwhelmingly
                  approved it earlier this spring, but it has been bottled
up in the House, where
                  it faces the additional complication that conservative
GOP lawmakers are
                  insisting on attaching an unrelated abortion amendment
that has prompted
                  veto threats from the White House. 

                  Sen. Richard G. Lugar (R-Ind.), a supporter of IMF
funding, said the
                  upheaval in Russia has reinforced arguments on both
sides.  "My guess is
                  that those who blocked it will continue to block it for
the same reasons," 
                  Lugar said. 

                  Even the IMF's boosters acknowledge the Russian crisis
presents some
                  unusually thorny dilemmas that highlight the pitfalls of
international rescues.

                  Prime among these is what economists call "moral hazard" 
-- the problem
                  that bailouts may encourage imprudent behavior by
governments and
                  investors. 

                  "A lot of money has gone into the Russian market from
people buying
                  Russian treasury bills knowing that the economic
fundamentals aren't very
                  strong, but taking comfort that when the chips are down,
the IMF and the
                  [Group of Seven industrial countries] aren't going to
let that country fail," 
                  said Desmond Lachman, the head of emerging-markets
research at Salomon
                  Smith Barney. 

                  Then there is Armey's point about how the likelihood of
being rescued may
                  have eased pressure on Moscow to reform. The government
of President
                  Boris Yeltsin so far has failed to take the painful
steps that economists
                  widely agree are necessary to slash the budget deficit,
collect taxes from
                  rich and powerful individuals and companies, and
decrease the government's
                  ever-increasing dependence on short-term borrowing. 

                  But tempting as it may be to reject the pleas from such
investors and
                  governments for a bailout, the consequences could be
disastrous, in the view
                  of the Treasury, the IMF and other private experts. 

                  A refusal to provide fresh international loans to Moscow
almost certainly
                  would cause the ruble to fall precipitously, because the
government is
                  already dangerously low in its reserves of U.S. dollars
needed to maintain
                  the ruble's value. 

                  "That would send shock waves, certainly across other
emerging markets,
                  and probably globally," Lachman asserted. "It would just
magnify what's
                  occurring in Asia, with the incredible weakness in the
[Japanese] yen and
                  potential for a recurrence of currency volatility. It's
natural. When investors
                  smell blood in one market, they ask what other markets
look weak." 

                  Even more important than the danger of financial
"contagion," in the view of
                  administration officials, is the risk that cutting off
Moscow would severely
                  undermine Yeltsin's generally pro-reform approach and
help extremist forces
                  gain influence in a nation armed with thousands of
nuclear weapons. 

                  A Russian rescue wouldn't leave the IMF totally bereft
of cash, officials
                  involved in the discussions stress. No decisions have
been made about the
                  new reforms Yeltsin would have to pledge, or of the size
of the loans
                  Moscow would get. But the IMF has enough cash to cover
its portion of
                  what is widely expected will turn out to be a $5 billion
to $10 billion package. 

                  The real problem, according to administration officials,
is that once Russia is
                  rescued, the IMF probably will be unable to finance
further big bailouts. In a
                  pinch, the fund can tap a $23 billion international
credit line from the United
                  States and other rich countries -- though that would
present the
                  administration with new political problems. 

                  Accordingly, IMF supporters are anxiously watching the
battle unfold on
                  Capitol Hill. 

                  "The argument in Congress is going to shape up in one of
two ways," said
                  one official closely involved in the rescue effort. "The
crisis in Russia may
                  be acknowledged as being a much more direct national
security problem
                  than all those obscure Asian countries, and therefore
the IMF money will sail
                  through. But there is the risk that the counter case
will prevail -- that in
                  Russia's case, you're bailing out a government that
doesn't want to reform,
                  and a Western private sector that wants to get its money
out." 

                            ) Copyright 1998 The Washington Post Company